Presentation
Marcos Antonio Alves________________________________________________ 3
Research on countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in schools in the context of cultural diversity
Bingyu Chang; Xiaodan Liu; Chao Xian_________________________________ 15
Comment on “Research on countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in schools in the context of cultural diversity”
Qianqian Yu_______________________________________________________ 29
Research on the Integrated Training Mode of Higher Art Education for the Deaf
Fangfang Liu______________________________________________________ 38
Comment on “Research on the Integrated Training Mode of Higher Art Education for the Deaf”
Hui Shao__________________________________________________________ 61
Marxist view on global political economy and new market trends
Fengrong Zhang; Qianwen Xiao_______________________________________ 66
Comment on “Marxist view on global political economy and new market trends”
Cheng Cheng R.____________________________________________________ 92
A Study of the styles and characteristics of basic music theory textbooks in China in the past 100 years
Feng Yu; Qiming Zhang; Pham Minh Thuy_____________________________ 101
Comment on “A Study of the Styles and Characteristics of Basic Music Theory Textbooks in China in the Past 100 Years”
Yukun Qiao______________________________________________________ 124
A Study on the Ancient theater of official house in The Taihang mountain area of North Henan Province in China
Hengli Peng; Hanwen Li____________________________________________ 131
Comment on “A Study on the Ancient theater of the official house in The Taihang mountain area of North Henan Province in China”
Baohong Xu________________________________________________________ 154
How peace corps volunteers influence the united states: an analysis based on pragmatism
Long Ye; Zhihua Liao; Yuanyuan Yu__________________________________ 159
Comment on “How peace corps volunteers influence the United States: an analysis based on pragmatism”
Zhi Li___________________________________________________________ 176
Mao Zedong’s thought and the construction of socialist ideology
Min Zhang; Haiyong Zong; David Zeen________________________________ 182
Comment on “Mao Zedong Thought and the Construction of Socialist Ideology”
Renjun Cao_______________________________________________________ 203
Cultural Design Methodology from the Perspective of Cultural Philosophy: A Case of Ningbo
Wang Zuyao; Jia Xin; Qiao Song_____________________________________ 209
Comment on “Cultural design methodology from the perspective of cultural Philosophy: a case of Ningbo”
Tao Ma__________________________________________________________ 226
The evolution and spread of the image of "nagas bathing siddhartha" in buddhism art
Xiaodan Liu; Huiwen Xia; Tao Ma; Qi Dang____________________________ 231
Comment on “The evolution and spread of the image of “nagas bathing siddhartha” in buddhism art”
Jie Tong_________________________________________________________ 252
How should we think about common prosperity and challenges in the context of financialization?
Zhanmin Cui; Zhihua Liao; Yuxiao Luo________________________________ 257
Comment on “How should we think about common prosperity and challenges in the context of financialization?”
Yuemeng Ge_____________________________________________________ 283
Yang Naimei - life practice of a chinese “flapper” of women's development in China__________________________________________________________________ 290
Yanrui Xu; Junwei Wang
Comment on “Yang Naimei – Life Practice of a Chinese ‘Flapper’ of Women’s Development in China”
Shuang Zheng____________________________________________________ 306
The relationship between the debate on the monetary system during the eastern jin and southern dynasties and east zhejiang economic region
Yi Yang; Jie Tong; Zhou Chan_______________________________________ 311
Comment on “The relationship between the debate on the monetary system during the eastern jin and southern dynasties and east zhejiang economic region”
Ji Ma____________________________________________________________ 322
Ansai peasant paintings: inheritance of chinese primitive culture and primitive philosophy
Yaqian Chang; Liming Zhou; Peng Lu; Samina Yasmeen__________________ 327
Comment on “ansai peasant paintings: inheritance of chinese primitive culture and primitive philosophy”
Ke Li___________________________________________________________ 349
Presentation
Marcos Antonio Alves[1]
It is a great pleasure to present the first special issue of 2023, the second focused on Eastern thought. Their articles deal with philosophical issues or ones of philosophical interest in this area of the planet or are developed by authors from that region dealing with philosophical subjects or humanities in general.
The partnership with researchers from the East has born fruit, whether through special issues or through the submission of texts for publication in regular issues. The success obtained is largely due to the partners that we could call associate editors, as is Kai Wang’s case, associate editor of this issue. In addition to capturing articles, these partners participate in the reviewers’ appointment to evaluate the submitted articles, as well as in the request for corrections of texts approved for publication. In all partnerships entered into, we make explicit our commitment to the quality of the texts, respecting the evaluation criteria of the journal, as a double-blind peer review.
Particularly in the special issues, following the habit of the journal, we seek to consider all methodologies, as well as the different areas of philosophy research and areas of philosophical interest. In 2019, to illustrate this issue, we had already published a special edition of the journal exclusively on the Western authors’ thoughts from the Northern Hemisphere. It should be noted, however, that works from this hemisphere, especially from the western side, are common and predominant in philosophy. We are trying to look back and offer opportunities to specialized research that does not have as much contact and ease of publication, especially in the southern and eastern hemispheres, democratizing access, production and socialization of knowledge. It is in this spirit that special issues have been published since 2020. Such publications, as well as all information about the journal, can be found on its homepage, which has been constantly reformulated and updated: https://revistas.marilia.unesp.br/index.php/transformacao/index.
In addition to geographic distribution in publications, the journal has also been promoting other actions, with a view to reducing inequalities and offering opportunities to all. We reconfigured, for example, the Executive Committee, whose representation is now equally divided between the research areas of the Department of Philosophy and the Graduate Program in Philosophy at UNESP, to which the journal is linked, as well as we sought a more equitable division of gender and external representation. The commission is mainly responsible for administrative issues and the ones related to the policy of the journal.
We also reconfigured the Editorial Board, seeking a more equal distribution of gender, as well as geographic and thematic one. Currently, female representation is equivalent to male. We intensified the directors’ participation, who have been established in the Southern Hemisphere, as well as members from all regions of Brazil and the world. The criterion adopted for choosing national members is their proven activity in their Lattes curriculum, especially considering, as a requirement, researchers with a CNPq/Category PQ-1 research productivity grant. For foreign members, the choice is made based on their curriculum, taking into account their production, impact factor and international reference. The Editorial Board has an advisory role and may be asked to suggest decisions on opinions on submitted material, in specific situations, to make suggestions on the editorial line of the journal, as well as to suggest or edit thematic issues. We also greatly expanded the number of reviewers. Currently, we have more than three thousand researchers in our database.
The actions of the journal, in recent years, can be evaluated through the considerable improvement in reputable rankings, such as in the Scopus and Redib indexes, or in classifications such as Qualis/CAPES, which, in 2022, classified Trans/Form/Ação in the Stratum A1, both in philosophy and in all other areas in which it has been evaluated. What makes it return to the select group of the best Brazilian and world journals in the area.
At Redib, we now occupy the 17th position among Philosophy journals from around the world registered in the index, appearing in the Q2 quartile. Also in 2022, we jumped 142 positions in the Scopus Cite Score. In this rank, in 2021, we occupied the 327th position, while, in 2020, we occupied the 469th one. In 2021, we occupied the 54th percentile group and, in 2020, we were in the 27th one. The JCR, in 2020, was 0.1; in 2021, it went to 0.4 and, in 2022, it is 0.6. The SJR, in 2021, was 0.116 and, in 2020, 0.102. This indicates that, in addition to the significant increase in citations, the Journal has also been cited by other well-evaluated journals, increasing its impact factor.
We have greatly reduced the time taken to evaluate submissions and make an editorial decision, which takes an average of three months. We understand that a quick evaluation is important, mainly with respect to the authors of the submitted manuscripts. However, this is not always possible, given the difficulty, many times, in finding reviewers and receiving the opinions in the requested time or even the need for new opinions, when there is an equal number of opinions favorable or contrary to the approval of the submission. In addition to the technical aspect in the evaluation process, we also believe that the dialogical and pedagogical element has a great value, which facilitates the debate and improvement of articles, both those approved and those not approved for publication.
We have also reduced the time between final approval of articles and their publication. This period, however, cannot be much shorter than seven months, given the process of grammatical corrections and their revisions, normalizations, editing, layout, publication on the FFC website, XML conversion and publication in databases such as SciELO and Redalyc, each one demanding its own time, in addition to the publication limit in each issue, due to the publication costs. Although we are seeking to maximize elements related to the agility of the service, the journal prioritizes the quality of the publication, whether the content itself or the presentation of the published material.
We have intensified communication with the community through social networks, mainly Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/RevistaTransFormAcao, Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/revista.transformacao/ and other networks, such as ANPOF and Academia.edu, as well as through news sent by the journal on its own page. With this, we significantly increased the number of followers on social networks.
Finally, we highlight what may have been one of the greatest innovations of the journal: the new type of texts called “comments”. As described on its homepage, the journal adopts the socialization of knowledge as its objective, seeking to promote the debate and interlocution of ideas. In view of this, since 2020, we have inaugurated a new type of texts, which consists of comments on articles approved in the evaluation process. They are produced by the referees of the submitted manuscript and published with the original article, but independently. This is a constructive criticism, not more of the quality of the article, since the evaluation process has already been outdated.
According to Alves (2023, p. 09), “The commentator can expose possible disagreements of ideas, comparison of concepts among authors, perspectives or philosophical systems, hermeneutic, methodological, epistemological differences.” It is also possible to build an expansion, explanation or even the insertion of some important concept for the understanding of the argumentative line of the commented article, relevant explanatory notes or the commentator’s position regarding the exposed thesis.
By encouraging the production of texts such as comments, we seek to promote dialogue with the texts published in the journal, aiming at improving and expanding knowledge. In addition to providing a philosophical debate, the comments are also a way of formally valuing the journal evaluators’ work, offering them the opportunity to publish their ideas and reflections, which may even have originated from the analysis of the evaluated manuscript.
Following these ideas, we publish this special issue which, for each article, we associate a comment. There are 26 texts in all, distributed in 13 articles, displayed in their first authors’ alphabetical order, and 13 comments. The authors are linked to institutions in China, New Zealand, Pakistan, Philippines, Republic of Korea and Vietnam institutions.
The first article, titled “Research on countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in schools in the context of cultural diversity”, is written by Bingyu Chang, Xiaodan Liu and Chao Xian and commented by Qianqian Yu. According to the authors, ecological civilization is a form of civilization and has cultural values. In the process of economic and social development, different countries, regions and ethnic groups are bound to differ in their understanding of the connotation of ecological civilization and its external expression due to differences in social practices. In the context of cultural diversity, the development of ecological civilization education in China is a long-term systematic project, which requires all people’s participation, and can generally be carried out at three levels, including the social level, the national level and the school one. This paper argues that the whole society is the soil for developing ecological civilization education in China, the government is the external guarantee, the schools are the main battlefield and the government mainly relies on schools to achieve the goal of ecological civilization education. Therefore, this article will focus on the school level to discuss the countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in China in the present day of cultural diversity, which includes the goal system, teachers, students, curriculum, methodology and environment. Besides, the authors take Sichuan-Tibet region and Tianjin city as examples to elaborate the specific actions of integrating ethnic ecological culture into ecological civilization education in schools.
Then we publish “Research on the Integrated Training Mode of Higher Art Education for the Deaf”, authored by Fangfang Liu, whose comment was produced by Hui Shao. Liu says that the development of higher education for the disabled is one of the most important indicators of the development of education for the disabled in a country, whether the support policies are perfect, and whether the social civilization is advanced. The results showed that deaf students, with general school experience, had better adaptive ability. The integration model was more conducive to improve deaf students' school adaptive ability and social interaction awareness. The deaf students had higher demand for professional guidance and there is room for further improvement of the integration-training model. Based on the above research results and the problems in practice, this paper gives the corresponding countermeasure suggestions. The author suggests that we should build a "trinity" integration education model oriented to socially integrated talents in art applications and improve the management system of integration education. He argues we should also improve the deaf college students’ learning support system under the leadership of the school, modify and reconstruct the integration curriculum system of arts and crafts majors, and strengthen the support and guidance of the society for the construction of integration environment.
Third, comes “A Study of the Styles and Characteristics of Basic Music Theory Textbooks in China in the Past 100 Years”, written by Feng Yu, Qiming Zhang and Pham Minh Thuy and commented by Yukun Qiao. According to the authors, due to various historical and realistic reasons, the development of basic music theory in China lags behind in the teaching system, teaching content and other aspects. It is an important task for Chinese music workers to revise or supplement the current basic music theory and related textbooks and then build a discipline system of basic music theory in China. Yu, Zhang and Thuy synthesize the theories of music education and music history, music culture, music morphology and other related disciplines. They use scientific, objective and rational values and holistic and comprehensive concepts. They take the development of the basic music theory education of China as the research object and takes history as a mirror to further consider and prospect the construction of the basic music theory discipline system of China. The basic theory of Chinese Music can be roughly divided into three stages. It can be seen, from the development of the basic theory education of Chinese Music and its teaching materials, that the development of western music theory in China, before the founding of the People's Republic of China, was a process from passive acceptance to active absorption. The scope of spreading western music theory was from the palace to the church, then to the school, and, finally, to the society, which made the music theory teaching in China gradually develop into a major and minor system as the leading mode. The basic theory of Chinese Music gradually deviated from its own track. With the deepening of music research after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the discipline development of basic music theory has witnessed a prosperous situation, and the construction of basic music theory is moving towards the direction of diversification and deepening. Based on the principle of "combining history with the theory" and combing the development of basic music theory in China, the ideal model of Chinese music theory discipline construction is conceived to promote the integration between traditional music theory and modern music theory from a diachronic perspective. The authors argue that this is relevant to strengthen the unity of the nation and the world in basic music theory from a synchronic perspective, and to pay attention to the connotation of technology and culture in music theory teaching. But also to strengthen the scientific and logical concept in music theory textbooks.
The next article, commented by Cheng Cheng R. and written by Fengrong Zhang and Qianwen Xiao, is “Marxist view on global political economy and new marked trends”. The authors remember that it has been clear from the beginning that capitalism is a dishonest business model, say Zhang and Xiao. Capitalism, on the other hand, has been connected with enormous wealth accumulation. As stated, capitalism has been associated with exploitation, the widening of the gap between the rich and the poor, economic collapses and global conflict. Political economy has long examined the relationship between the faces of capitalism. Is it possible to eliminate all flaws of capitalism while maintaining its merits, as the proponents of the system believe? After dealing with this and other questions and presenting some data referring to capitalism and Marxism, the authors argue that the Marxism cannot be fully contained in a 19th-century framework due to the critical tradition it generated, which cuts across the humanities and social sciences. Even in places where he was rejected, Marx in some ways managed to permeate the water we drink and the air we breathe. The first two decades of the twenty-first century have shown us that Marxism is everywhere. Modern Marxism does not discourage modern economic trends such as entrepreneurship and free enterprise as long as they become catalysts for the welfare and prosperity of society.
The fifth article, “A Study on the Ancient Theater of Official House in the Taihang Mountain Area of North Henan Province in China”, by Hengli Peng and Hanwen Li, is commented by Baohong Xu. Peng and Li remember that as a particular type of ancient Chinese theater, talented theater of official house was mainly found in the Taihang Mountain area, in North Henan Province, which was formed in the middle of the Qing Dynasty. The appearance of it is related to the local natural environment, folk culture and agricultural productivity. Through field investigation, it is found that there are eight existing theaters in the Taihang Mountain area of North Henan Province; among which, three ones are newly discovered that have not been documented by the academic circle before, as well as several traditional Chinese opera steles and wall inscriptions. This is the first time the academic circle discloses relevant data and information. These provide physical evidence about the performance of the village opera in the Taihang Mountain area of the Qing Dynasty, in China. Especially the inscriptions on the steles and the stage wall can reflect some features of the local opera performance since the Qing Dynasty, such as the type, time, troupe, and so on. To some extent, the authors argue, the richness of these ancient theaters of official house, with the architectural styles of ancient Chinese opera, has a significant value related to historical material and cultural relics. The first-hand data obtained in the investigation will also provide the latest research materials on ancient Chinese opera and theater architecture.
“How peace corps volunteers influence the United States: an analysis based on pragmatism” was written by Long Ye, Zhihua Liao and Yuanyuan Yu. This paper is commented by Zhi Li. From the perspective of pragmatic diplomatic philosophy, Peace Corps can benefit the United States, which is an important reason for the domestic support it receives within the United States, say the authors. Through the volunteers’ acculturation experience, cultural exchanges between the United States and host countries are promoted and the awareness of the American society about the Third World countries is raised, which is the true value of the Peace Corps from the perspective of American interests. As members of American society, Peace Corps volunteers gain a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the Third World in their host countries, which is not only an important part of improving the awareness of the American society in the Third World, but is also an important bridge to spread this awareness in the United States. The authors show: when volunteers return to the United States after finishing their service, they bring their understanding of the Third World to different industries and fields in American domestic society. Among them, American education and diplomacy are mostly affected. These are of great significance in improving the international vision and awareness of American education and the reliability of American foreign policy.
In the seventh place, we have “Mao Zedong’s thought and the construction of socialist ideology”, authored by Min Zhang, Haiyong Zong, David Zeen and commented by Renjun Cao. According to the authors, the 70-year practice of New China shows that our party has, permanently, attached importance and strengthened the leadership of ideological work, which is an essential factor for the Chinese nation to achieve the leap from standing, wealthy to powerful, and consolidate continuously the ruling position of the party. The successive leadership collectives of the party have explored and innovated the theory of socialist ideology in different periods of the history of China in light of the international and domestic situation, providing the CPC with a scientific theoretical basis and action guidelines for breaking through ideological barriers in its long-term rule. Mao Zedong made significant historical contributions to explore the road to new Chinese socialism, institutional design, theoretical innovation and ideological construction. Following these ideas, the authors, in this paper, intend to combine the basic principles of Marxism with the specific reality of China, creatively put forward the basic principles and basic directions of national ideology construction, and systematically elaborate the essential connotation, guiding ideology, primary objectives, fundamental nature and realization path of socialist ideology construction. Your study crave shows that the first theoretical leap of the localization of Marxist ideology in China has laid a solid foundation to build a scientific and complete country and a scientific and complete national ideology system.
The eighth article is “The evolution and spread of the image of "nagas bathing siddhartha" in buddhism art”, by Xiaodan Liu, Huiwen Xia, Tao Ma and Qi Dang. This article is commented by Jie Tong. The image of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha", an important theme in Buddhist art, say the authors, was produced in India. It has appeared successively in Xinjiang, Gansu, Qinghai, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Henan, Shandong, Jiangsu, Sichuan, Tibet and other places in China during the process of Buddhism spreading to the East. However, its forms and contents differ in different regions and distinct periods. Therefore, it is conducive to understand the sinicization process of Indian Buddhist art and it can deepen the understanding of the specific contents of Buddhist art exchanges to study the differences. According to the authors, the innovative point of view of this paper is that the distribution of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" is "regional," and the variation of its style reflects the route and regional characteristics of Buddhist transmission.
Yanrui Xu and Junwei Wang produced “Yang Naimei - life practice of a chinese “flapper” of women's development in China”, followed by Shuang Zheng’s commentary. As one of the earliest movie stars in China, Yang Naimei's life reflects the process of Chinese women’s professionalization and modernization in the early 20th century. This study discusses Yang Naimei’s life practices and significance as a Chinese flapper. Flapper refers to the modern girl who arose in Europe and America in the 1920s as a challenge to traditional lifestyles. Yang Naimei fully embodied the flapper’s characters. She often played an unruly woman on the screen, and she had many relationships in her life, accumulating wealth and a reputation with her acting career. However, society at that time did not provide enough space for the sustainable development of the women’s generation, like Yang Naimei, in economic, political and personal life. After the loss of her youth, she was disposed of by the film industry and suffered from poverty and disease in the latter half of her life. Taking Yang Naimei as an illustration of the times can reflect the twists and turns in the Chinese women’s treatment offered by the society, argue the authors.
The tenth article is “Ansai peasant paintings: inheritance of Chinese primitive culture and primitive philosophy” was written by Yaqian Chang, Liming Zhou, Peng Lu, Samina Yasmeen and commented by Ke Li. Chinese primitive philosophy, as the unity of cosmological ontology, epistemology and methodology of the Chinese philosophical system, is a complete and mature philosophical system formed in the late primitive society as early as before the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, define the authors. It is also the unity of the concept of Yin and Yang and constant life that is sublimated from the human-beings’ basic cultural consciousness: life consciousness and reproduction consciousness. The Chinese primitive culture, from the painted pottery culture 7,000 years ago to today, from the underground archaeological culture to the group culture on the ground, is a plastic art based on the concept of viewing objects and taking images. It is a broad concept of fine arts that determines the philosophical and the artistic views, emotional temperament, psychological quality and national spirit of the Chinese nation. The most primitive culture and primitive philosophy in China have been preserved with extremely rich and complete historical remains in the group's cultural and social life. It is for this reason, argue the authors, that China is the only country with an ancient history of civilization that has not experienced a cultural break. The primitive culture and the philosophical system of China, as the hilosophical basis and main connotation of ethnic group culture, are completely accumulated in the ethnic groups’ social life. The authors aim to show that the rapid development of the times makes the traditional folk customs and folk arts, which are generally deposited in the rural areas of China, become precarious. As a result, the research advantages of the unique human culture and the original culture of China will cease to exist. Therefore, it is an urgent historical task to make use of this advantage to study the original culture of China and the philosophical genes of the Chinese nation. Protection is imminent, and inheritance is the historical mission, which highlights the deeper significance of studying primitive culture and primitive philosophy in modern society.
Following, “The relationship between the debate on the monetary system during the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties and East Zhejiang economic region” is produced by Yi Yang, Jie Tong, Zhou Chan and commented by Ji Ma. Not only the indigenous aristocratic families but also northern immigrant families living in East Zhejiang were involved in the debates on monetary theory and policy thought in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. The debates, according to the authors, were often focused on the commodity prices and forced labor in East Zhejiang. This special historical phenomenon reflects two questions. On the one hand, the chaos caused by the war in the north and scholar families migrating southward greatly promoted the development of southern China, which made the five counties in East Zhejiang the most important and active areas of economy. On the other hand, it reflects the relationship changes between immigrants and indigenous gentries. Namely, the indigenous aristocratic families and northern immigrant families cooperated in economy so as to enhance the prosperity and development of the East Zhejiang region. Later, argue Yang, Tong and Zhou, with the rise of "common people", the scholars’ economic status was increasingly impacted, which resulted in the gentries’ anxiety and crisis consciousness.
The penultimate article, “Cultural Design Methodology from the Perspective of Cultural Philosophy: A Case of Ningbo”, is written by Wang Zuyao, Jia Xin, Qiao Song and commented by Tao Ma. Cultural design integrates cultural content into the design process. It is an important means to realize the innovation of traditional culture in inheritance. Cultural design behavior is subtly influenced by cultural philosophy, argue the authors. They go on to claim: specifically, cultural environment analysis, cultural semantic association and cultural imagery extraction, from the perspective of cultural philosophy, are helpful in realizing the explicitness of designers' implicit knowledge in the process of encoding and decoding cultural genes. The authors say they select Ningbo as a sample to deeply mine the regional cultural genes, explore the generation mode of cultural design, and further propose a framework for building a cultural design knowledge service system. So as to provide methodological guidance for regional cultural design practice to build sustainable cultural design capabilities.
Finally, the thirteenth text, commented by Yuemeng Ge and written by Zhanmin Cui, Zhihua Liao and Yuxiao Luo, is entitled “How should we think about common prosperity and challenges in the context of financialization?” The authors say that China is actively promoting common prosperity to address the contradiction of unbalanced and inadequate development. Financialization has become the backdrop for common prosperity. How understanding the changing connotations of common prosperity and the factors influencing it in this context becomes the subject of this paper. They argue that the imbalance between income from assets and labor and the new forms of value generation are the reasons why common prosperity is difficult to achieve. To justify this conclusion, this paper examines financialization from the critical perspective of the Marxist political economy, cites the financialization case in China and discusses the real and ideological challenges facing common prosperity. The authors analyze the nature of a new form of fetishism, financialization fetishism, and introduce the concept of narrative value, thus exposing the distortion of people's value ideology by financialization fetishism and the obscuring and erosion of labor value by the mystification of narrative value.
This is how this special issue of Trans/Form/Ação is constituted. We hope, with the practices listed above, to continue seeking the quality of our publications, promoting the sharing of knowledge in all areas and in all regions of Brazil and the world. We wish you a good reading of this issue. Thank you very much for your company!!!
Reference
ALVES, M. A. Apresentação. Trans/Form/Ação: revista de filosofia da UNESP, v. 46, n. 1, p. 07-14, 2023.
Received: 01/02/2023
Approved: 10/02/2023
RESEARCH ON COUNTERMEASURES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECOLOGICAL CIVILIZATION EDUCATION IN SCHOOLS IN THE CONTEXT OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY[2]
Abstract: Ecological civilization is a form of civilization and has cultural values. In the process of economic and social development, different countries, regions and ethnic groups are bound to differ in their understanding of the connotation of ecological civilization and its external expression due to differences in social practices. In the context of cultural diversity, the development of ecological civilization education in China is a long-term systematic project, which requires all people’s participation, and can generally be carried out at three levels, including the social level, the national level and the school level. This paper argues that the whole society is the soil for developing ecological civilization education in China, the government is the external guarantee, the schools are the main battlefield and the government mainly relies on schools to achieve the goal of ecological civilization education. Therefore, this paper will focus on the school level to discuss the countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in China in the present day of cultural diversity, which includes the goal system, teachers, students, curriculum, methodology and environment. Besides, this article takes Sichuan-Tibet region and Tianjin city as examples to elaborate the specific actions of integrating ethnic ecological culture into ecological civilization education in schools.
Keywords: Cultural diversity; Ecological civilization education; Countermeasures for the development.
INTRODUCTION
The ecological civilization of China is a national commitment of the Chinese government to promote the establishment of a “harmonious world”, maintain global ecological security and promote sustainable development in the world, which is the international responsibility of a rising power. In the post-industrial era, a series of ecological crises such as resource scarcity, environmental pollution and destruction of biodiversity are common challenges faced by all countries. On the issue of natural resources utilization and ecological responsibility, the Chinese government advocates shared responsibility, equal opportunities and reasonable compensation for all countries, and opposes all kinds of egoism and hegemony of the big powers. Since 1996, China has made great efforts to promote global ecological protection and environmental construction by effectively implementing its “sustainable development strategy” and has been effective in such important areas as population control, energy conservation and emission reduction, and ecological construction (LIU, 2022, p. 49). The report of the 18th Party Congress points out that China would continue to adhere to the basic state policy of resource conservation and environmental protection and to the policy of giving priority to conservation, protection and natural restoration. The country would continue to make efforts to promote green development, circular development and low-carbon development. It would form a spatial pattern, an industrial structure, a mode of production and a lifestyle that conserve resources, China would continue to protect the environment, reverse the ecological environment and its deterioration from the source, create a good production and living environment for the people, and contribute to global ecological security (CHEN, 2020, p. 89).
Cultural variety is based on many people’s variations of social behaviours and on the ones of the nations. It is both a fundamental aspect of human society and a driving factor behind the advancement of human civilization. Therefore, we should respect cultural diversity, identify with our own culture, respect, cultivate and develop it well, as well as respect the cultures of other nations. We should also uphold the principle of equality among all national cultures, respect differences, understand individuality, live in peace, strengthen communication and encourage the prosperity of world culture.
Ecological civilization is a form of civilization and has cultural values. In the process of economic and social development, different countries, regions and ethnic groups are bound to differ in their understanding of the connotation of ecological civilization and its external expression due to differences in social practices. For example, ecological civilization in the West is mainly presented through ecological movements. Since the last century, people have been thinking about ecology beyond the natural environment and have made profound thoughts about the root causes of the ecological crisis.
1 Interpretation of ecological civilization under cultural diversity
The core of the values of ecological civilization is to respect and conform to nature, recognize the inherent value of natural ecosystems and establish the human beings’ ethical responsibility and moral norms for nature. It is a criticism, inheritance and innovation of the traditional natural values of the East and the West. It has a profound historical and cultural basis, including the absorption of ancient Chinese natural ethics, the reflection and criticism of modern western anthropocentrism values and the reconstruction of natural values on the basis of modern organic natural views. The ecological civilization of China has a distinctive national character and has developed a systematic ecological ethics in the course of several thousand years (JI, 2013, p. 59). Confucianism, by affirming the intrinsic value of all things, advocates treating nature and others with benevolence and love; Taoism, by revering all things to perfect oneself, takes the way of nature as a basic code of conduct; and Buddhism, by showing the ecological ethics of compassion through the idea that all beings are equal and all things are spiritual (LV, 2019, p, 19).
Due to differences in national interests, national psychology, history and culture, various countries, nations and regions frequently exhibit different philosophical perspectives, ways of thinking and behavioral patterns, or even engage in conflict and confrontation when it comes to understand, apply and implement ecological civilization. The essence of ecological civilization is to handle appropriately the interaction between humans and nature, necessitating that we both possess and control, utilize and preserve nature and, jointly, maintain the world: our one and only home. It is the logical presumption and conceptual foundation for discussion and collaboration among other nations and countries on ecological challenges, transcending the distinctions of particular national cultures.
Therefore, on the one hand, we need to understand and identify the common parts of “ecological civilization” in cultural exchanges and, on the other hand, we need to respect, understand and tolerate the differences. At the same time, since more than 200 years of industrialization in developed countries have put enormous pressure on the existing ecological environment, all countries in the world should adhere to the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and developed countries should take greater responsibility in international cooperation with the fundamental interests of mankind as the starting point.
The culture of any era is influenced by cultural traditions. Cultural inheritance and development are always two aspects of one process Culture always develops on the basis of inheritance and inherits in the process of development. Therefore, we should base on our social practice, face the world, learn from all, inherit the tradition, push out the new and realize cultural innovation (XI, 2019, p. 2).
Understanding the cultural connotation of ecological civilization in the course of history, we realize that ecological civilization is the human beings’ development and innovation on the basis of primitive civilization, agricultural civilization, and industrial civilization. Ecological civilization is not a total negation of agricultural and industrial civilization, nor is it a simple return to primitive civilization; rather, it is a profound understanding and grasp of the relationship between man and nature, a dialectical negation of the relationship between man’s enslavement to nature in primitive civilization and man’s conquest of nature in agricultural and industrial civilization.
It must be pointed out that the gap between rich and poor countries is the main factor hindering harmony in the world. There are diverse ideas or paths to solve ecological problems. Each country faces different development starting points and survival situations, with its own special historical trajectory, unique natural conditions and humanistic traditions, social management mechanisms, different economic development models, cultural concepts and value systems, industrialization levels and development depths, etc., which explain the differences in ecological civilization construction models. Building ecological civilization is a global responsibility, but it cannot replace and deny the unique living conditions and different development paths of each country and nation. Otherwise, global responsibility will lose its realistic support. China advocates global cooperation and emphasizes that each country should choose the appropriate development model according to its own status and development conditions. Ignoring the objective status and copying the models of other countries will do no good. Global ecological construction is not only about protecting the natural environment and ecology but also about choosing development models and economic growth paths. In a deeper sense, there are ideological differences and even significant differences (LIU; XUE, 2020, p. 20). Therefore, the global action of ecological protection needs to seek common ground while reserving differences, establish an inclusive international vision and build a global development concept of mutual respect, pluralistic coexistence and mutual support.
To eliminate the narrow ideological differences of unilateralism is the inevitable choice to achieve harmony in the world. Harmony is not the eradication of individuality. Harmony, but not uniformity. They are different, but are not in conflict with each other. Harmony is a symbiosis, and differences are complementary to each other. Harmony and difference are an important law of social things and social development. They are also a guideline that people should follow in the world and the true meaning of the harmonious development of human civilizations (LIN, 2020, p. 1).
We must therefore embrace ecological civilization from the globalization wave. Economic globalization forces us to broaden our global perspective, utilize both domestic and foreign resources to the fullest extent possible, boost international cooperation in the development of ecological civilization, establish common standards for global ecological construction and, actively, support the establishment of a new international ecological order. In order to democratize international relations, we must uphold the equality of all nations, respect the historical, cultural and practical circumstances of each nation, as well as the diversity of its people. We must also carry out international ecological cooperation on the principles of equality and mutual benefit, sincere cooperation and reciprocity of duties and rights.
2 Basic measures for the development of ecological civilization education in schools in the context of cultural diversity
(1) Construct a clear goal system of ecological civilization education. In the context of cultural diversity, the goals of ecological civilization education should be multi-directional and three-dimensional. First, it is important to understand the basic knowledge of ecology and the environment at the knowledge level (SONG; ZHANG, 2020, p. 3). Cognition is the basis for emotion, belief and action. To guide students to understand and deal with the relationship between human beings and nature scientifically, we need to help them master the most basic ecological and environmental knowledge, including ecology, environmental science, environmental laws, etc. Second, the concept of ecological civilization in diversity should be established at the value level. Based on the knowledge of ecology and the environment, students should be guided to form the concept of ecological civilization, such as “[…] respecting nature, following nature, and protecting nature”, and establish an awareness of ecology and environmental protection (LIN, 2020, p. 2). The third is ability to practice ecological and environmental actions. Action is the externalization of cognition and concepts.
The concept of ecological civilization should be internalized in the heart and externalized in action. Schools should lead students to participate in environmental protection activities in schools and communities to achieve the effect of unity of knowledge and action. The degree of aesthetics is the fourth. Ecological beauty is the component of beauty that comes from nature, and love of nature is the emotional expression of awe for the natural world.
By observing the connection and coexistence of various living things in nature, teachers can help students develop their interests in ecology and aesthetics while also helping them to appreciate the beauty of life and the natural world. Fifth, pupils should get a thorough understanding of ecology. The highest standard and level in the ecological civilization education aim system is ecological literacy, which is a very comprehensive literacy that incorporates ecological knowledge, value concepts, ecological activities and ecological aesthetics.
(2) Teachers are the key. In the context of cultural diversity, the in-depth development of ecological civilization education brings many challenges to teachers, and the construction of teachers is related to the overall situation of ecological civilization education. At present, the ecological civilization education of China faces two major problems in the teachers’ team: first, the lack of professional ecological civilization education teachers; and second, the lack of the teachers’ awareness of various subjects about the diversity of inclusive ecological civilization education.
Therefore, the construction of ecological civilization education teachers should focus on these two aspects: on the one hand, we should improve the talent training system, increase the training of professional talents and build, in a large-scale, a high-quality ecological civilization education teachers’ team to meet the needs of ecological civilization education for talents. Agriculture, forestry, normal colleges and universities can set up majors related to “ecological civilization education” according to the actual situation. They can train professional teachers for ecological civilization education and guide them to integrate the ecological environment knowledge and ecological civilization education concepts learned systematically into their education and teaching work. On the other hand, teachers of various subjects should be guided to form a consensus on ecological civilization education in diversity and to integrate ecological civilization education, in a more subtle way, in the actual teaching of their subjects. In particular, it is important to strengthen training for teachers of all subjects regarding ecological civilization education. Specifically, localities can convene relevant experts to prepare special readers for teachers on ecological civilization education according to the actual situation, mainly including special training on ecological and environmental knowledge, ecological civilization concepts and how to integrate ecological civilization education in the subjects they teach.
(3) Students are the main body. We should cultivate
“eco-citizen” with ecological literacy. The term “eco-citizen” first appeared
in the Canadian document issued by the government of Canada in 1990, but there
is currently no uniform definition of the term in academic circles. Generally
speaking, an “eco-citizen” is a modern citizen who is ecologically literate and
actively engaged in the construction of ecological civilization. Cultivating
eco-citizen with inclusive and open ecological literacy in the context of
diversity is the main objective of ecological civilization education. In the
World Education Report, UNESCO stated that the kind of world we leave behind
for future generations depends to a large extent on the kind of future
generations we leave behind for the world. This is in line with the fundamental
questions of education in the new era: “what kind of people to train”, “how to
train people” and “for whom to train people. At the same time, we should
clearly understand that the cultivation of “eco-citizen” is not something that
can be done overnight (ZHU, 2021, p. 113).
There is always a gap between the young students’ actual ecological literacy, who are the main subjects of education, and the ecological civilization requirements of a certain society. This gap is the basic contradiction in the process of ecological civilization education. To solve this contradiction, we need to follow the basic laws of education, i.e., the laws of respecting the students’ subject status and the ones of ensuring those teachers’ educational activities. They are in line with students’ actual literacy, as well as the laws of “bilateral interaction” and “internalization and externalization” (YANG, 2019, p. 60). At the same time, we should also follow the laws of “bilateral interaction”, “internalization and externalization” and “coordination and control” to effectively achieve the goal of ecological civilization education. On the other hand, in the context of cultural diversity, the cultivation of “eco-citizen” includes not only ecological awareness but also ecological behavior in order to achieve the effect of unity of knowledge and action. In general, it means guiding and encouraging young students to develop diverse ecological civilization values and ways of thinking, and to practice a simple and moderate, green, low-carbon, civilized and healthy lifestyle (SONG, 2021, p. 284). This not only affects each person’s healthy and happy life but also has a bearing on the effectiveness of the construction of ecological civilization in China and the human beings’ future development prospects.
(4) Curriculum is the main carrier and specific development of teaching activities. To carry out ecological civilization education, “ecological curriculum” is the carrier. The formation of “curriculum ecology” is the pursuit. Schools should break the limitations of inherent disciplines, courses and specialties, establish a mutually complementary ecological civilization education curriculum system and extend ecological civilization education to the entire field of curriculum construction. On the one hand, we must actively establish ecological courses, such as general education courses on ecological civilization, interdisciplinary courses on ecological civilization, optional courses on ecological civilization, etc.
All levels and kinds of educational institutions can create regional or school-based ecological courses, based on local peculiarities, and formally integrate them into the educational system. Schools can use this process to pool the teachers and students’ knowledge to create self-systematic educational resources for ecological civilization, including reading books and manuals, creating promotional videos with an ecological civilization theme and, continuously, creating educational materials with rich content, varied formats, and online and offline integration. On the other hand, the concept of ecological civilization should be infiltrated into the teaching of specific subjects to promote the formation of “curriculum ecology”. Since ecological issues are complex and wide-ranging, ecological civilization education in diversity should break the boundaries of disciplines and achieve the same direction in ecological civilization education in all disciplines (SONG, 2021, p. 127). There are many subjects in geography, biology, chemistry, ideology and politics, and languages that are united with ecological civilization. For example, the geography subject shows environmental issues, and disaster prevention and mitigation; the biology subject explains the ecosystem and biodiversity; the chemistry subject introduces chemical products; the ideology and politics subject analyzes Xi Jinping’s ecological civilization thought and rural revitalization strategy; and the language subject inspires respect for life, etc. Therefore, we should make good use of the important channel of subject teaching to involve more subjects in ecological civilization education and to explore and bring into play the value of “curriculum ecology”.
(5) Methodology is the focus: As an important part of the basic education reform, ecological civilization education should follow the trend of education reform. It should advocate and widely apply the research-based learning and teaching mode to better reflect and give full play to the characteristics and advantages. These are the ones by which ecological civilization education proves to be significantly practical, comprehensive and social. Therefore, schools should encourage students to take the initiative to pay attention to social and ecological issues. The students should be encouraged to use their existing knowledge and experience to solve problems through independent inquiry and hands-on practice in the process of cultivating students’ diverse humanistic spirit and ecological literacy. In specific classroom teaching, teachers should also encourage students to actively pay attention to ecological and environmental problems in various fields, guide them to propose valuable research topics, and carry out specific research study activities in strict accordance with scientific research methods and the basic steps of the research study. At the same time, in the process, we should focus on stimulating students’ curiosity, imagination, innovation and critical thinking, and ensure that students experience the process of independent-cooperation-inquiry in a lively form and, eventually, propose targeted and practical solutions to ecological and environmental problems, cultivate students’ sense of social responsibility, enhance cultural tolerance and improve their social participation ability. In short, efforts should be made to achieve ecological civilization education to help students gain a comprehensive understanding of the ecological environment and acquire the methods and skills to identify, solve and prevent environmental problems.
(6) Environment is the condition. The campus environment is an objective external condition for schools to carry out diverse ecological civilization education, and it has a subtle influence on students. Therefore, it is also particularly important to convey indirectly ecological civilization ideas to students by creating a diverse campus environment and diverse culture. Creating a diverse campus is also an important carrier of quality education and one of the ways to achieve the internal development of the school. A diverse campus is not only about diversity of life, but also about all teachers and students’ high ecological literacy and proactive actions. Therefore, the creation of a diversity campus mainly includes three aspects: first, to establish the concept of diversity, that is, the school should be guided by the idea of ecological civilization and realize the organic combination of modern diversity culture and ecological environment; second, to advocate diversity culture, that is, the school should create a green, civilized, inclusive and collaborative spiritual and cultural atmosphere; third, to create a diverse environment, that is, the school should implement innovative actions of diversity campus, create beautiful teaching and living environment, let teachers and students enjoy and inculcate beauty. The concept of diversity is the core; the culture of diversity is the soul; and the environment of diversity is the foundation; all three are inseparable (QING, 2021, p. 9).
3 Cases
(1) The path of integrating ethnic ecological culture into ecological civilization education in schools in Sichuan and Tibetan areas. It is necessary for ecological civilization education in schools to form a holistic and strong curriculum cluster. In addition to the integration of ecological civilization education in ideological and political theory courses and some professional courses, special ecological civilization education courses should be offered to form an ecological civilization education system with intertwined humanistic and scientific spirits. The ethnic groups' ecological cultures of Sichuan-Tibet region can be included in the educational materials about ecological civilization used in local schools since they have clear regional, ecological, and holistic characteristics and contribute to maintaining ecological balance of the region.
At present, there are more research results on the ethnic groups’ ecological culture in the Sichuan-Tibet region, and turning the research results into materials for ecological civilization education in schools not only practices the spirit of putting learning into practice but also meets the needs of ecological civilization education in schools. At present, local colleges and universities are incorporating the content of ethnic ecological culture into their ecological civilization education materials. The process of preparing the teaching materials is based on the harmonious coexistence between human beings and nature, which is the main line and core of the national ecological culture. The framework is constructed on three levels: material, spiritual and institutional, i.e., the technology of knowing and using nature on the material level, the concept of knowing and respecting nature on the spiritual level and the system of protecting nature.
Strengthening the teachers’ quantity and quality construction is a way of ecological civilization education. First, there have been multiple channels to integrate and train teachers in related fields (REN, 2018, p. 22). There are teachers who may only favor a particular ethnic minority ecological culture or a certain level of ethnic ecological culture research. These teachers primarily strengthen the study of ethnic ecological culture as a whole in order to adapt to the needs of ethnic ecological culture teaching. These teachers have some background in ethnic ecological culture research, and some of them have research and cognition of ethnic ecological culture. Secondly, some teachers of ethnic cultures are trained to teach ethnic ecological cultures. Teachers of ethnic cultures have certain knowledge and theoretical skills in ethnology and culture, and through self-learning and relevant training, they can transition to the ethnic ecological cultures teaching (CHEN, 2020, p. 88).
Besides, it should build ecological civilization education in colleges and universities by relying on the Sichuan and Tibetan ethnic minorities’ ecological culture. In the case of compact classroom hours for ecological civilization education, the second classroom can be used to promote ecological civilization education. On the one hand, the second classroom can make up for the limited classroom hours and contents, and on the other hand, through on-site learning and perception, it can deepen students’ knowledge and understanding of ecological civilization concepts and enhance ecological civilization awareness. Some living ethnic ecological cultures in the Sichuan-Tibet region provide valuable resources for carrying out the second classroom. In the process of carrying out ecological civilization education, these resources are fully utilized to promote better results of ecological civilization education (CHEN, 2020, p. 87). For one thing, college students make use of the opportunity of returning to their hometowns during holidays to visit and investigate the local ethnic ecological culture. After returning to school, they organize investigation and exchange meetings. To construct the practice foundation for ecological civilization education, several ethnic communities are chosen. The ones that have traditional ecological culture, which has been better conserved and clear ecological consequences. The classroom theory of ecological civilization education is reinforced by visiting practice sites to see and experience the ecological concept of peaceful coexistence between humans and nature as well as the ecological effects caused on the ground.
(2) Similarly, in northern China, the Tianjin Municipal Regulations on Promoting Ecological Civilization Education were recently promulgated, aiming to further enhance the awareness of ecological civilization in the whole society and promote the construction of a national action system for ecological environment governance.
The Regulations focus on the important legislative concept of “ecological civilization education is the common responsibility of the whole society” in the system design and make institutional provisions on how to carry out ecological civilization education from all aspects of society and from multiple perspectives.
The Regulations put forward that the municipal and district people’s governments are responsible for promoting ecological civilization education in their respective administrative regions. The education department shall incorporate ecological civilization education into the education content of schools and kindergartens. Primary and secondary schools, institutions of higher learning and vocational schools shall incorporate the contents of ecological civilization education into their corresponding courses and carry out practical activities of ecological civilization education.
CONCLUSIONS
Ecological ethicists have extended the focus of ethics from human society to the entire ecosystem, indicating the sublimation of human understanding of natural values and providing a valuable reference for modern society to re-examine the relationship between man and nature. Only when ecological, ethical values are transformed into the common sense of life and can have an impact on life practice, prompting us to rebuild the coordinate of life values and change the way of life to choose one that conforms to an ecological civilization. Especially in today’s culturally diverse world, ecological civilization education is of great significance as it concerns ecological security and the sustainable development of all regions in China. From the school level, to promote ecological civilization education in the diversity of China, it is necessary to enhance relevance and pay attention to effect orientation, break the barriers between natural sciences and humanities and social sciences and build a discipline-integrated ecological civilization education system. This paper first proposes general countermeasures for developing ecological civilization education in a culturally diverse social environment at the school level and then uses the Sichuan-Tibet region of China as an example to illustrate how to take targeted actions at the school level if cultural diversity is to be respected in the process of ecological civilization development. As mentioned in the paper, the Sichuan-Tibet region has rich and unique endowments of ethnic ecological culture resources. Therefore, it should be integrated into ecological civilization education in schools, relying on the vernacular, vividness and liveliness of ethnic ecological culture to stimulate students’ affinity for ecological civilization education and reduce the difficulty of understanding, thus enhancing the learning effect. Of course, the integration of ethnic ecological culture into ecological civilization education in schools is only a kind of idea combined with the characteristics of the Sichuan-Tibet region, and it may encounter many difficulties in concrete practice.
INVESTIGAÇÃO SOBRE AS CONTRAMEDIDAS PARA O DESENVOLVIMENTO DA EDUCAÇÃO ECOLÓGICA DA CIVILIZAÇÃO NAS ESCOLAS NO CONTEXTO DA DIVERSIDADE CULTURAL
Resumo: A civilização ecológica é uma forma de civilização e possui valores culturais. No processo de desenvolvimento econômico e social, devido às diferenças nas práticas sociais, diferentes países, regiões e grupos étnicos são forçados a diferir em sua compreensão da conotação da civilização ecológica e de sua expressão externa. No contexto da diversidade cultural, o desenvolvimento da educação da civilização ecológica na China é um projeto sistemático de longo prazo, que requer a participação conjunta do povo, e pode, de modo geral, ser realizado em três níveis, incluindo o nível social, o nível nacional e o nível escolar. O presente artigo argumenta que toda a sociedade é o solo para desenvolver a educação da civilização ecológica; na China, o governo é a garantia externa e as escolas são o principal campo de batalha. Nesse sentido, o governo confia essencialmente nas escolas para alcançar o objetivo da educação da civilização ecológica. Portanto, o presente artigo se concentrará no nível escolar, baseado na diversidade cultural dos dias atuais, para discutir as contramedidas para o desenvolvimento da educação da civilização ecológica, na China, que inclui o sistema de metas, professores, estudantes, currículo, metodologia e meio ambiente. Além disso, o presente artigo toma a região de Sichuan-Tibet e a cidade de Tianjin como exemplos para elaborar as ações específicas de integração da cultura ecológica étnica com a educação da civilização ecológica nas escolas.
Palavras-chave: Diversidade cultural. Educação da civilização ecológica. Contramedidas para o desenvolvimento.
REFERENCES
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Received: 26/07/2022
Approved: 27/09/2022
Comment on “RESEARCH ON COUNTERMEASURES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECOLOGICAL CIVILIZATION EDUCATION IN SCHOOLS IN THE CONTEXT OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY”
Commented Article: Chang, Bingyu; LIU, Xiaodan; IAN, Chao. Research on countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in schools in the context of cultural diversity. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 21- 36, 2023.
Chang, Liu and Ian (2023) have done justice to this very complex topic. The topic is inextricably interwoven with the pressing issues of the planet, such as ecology, civilization, culture, diversity, coexistence and sustainability. The writers have skillfully shown the path forward for humanity. And the way is keeping a balance between progress, ecology and ethics in the context of cultural diversity. On the less desirable side, the writers have omitted some of the most significant aspects of the topic of the article. First, the writers failed to give a holistic view of the ecological civilization under cultural diversity. Second, the writer’s assertion that the world will turn into some ecological utopia, if all the countries extend their cooperation to each other, is far-fetched and a distant dream. We need to be moderate in our future projections. Third, the writers have given a comprehensive account of the regulations of the government regarding the inclusion of ecological studies in primary and elementary schools in the hopes that, in this way, ecological studies may get their due importance in the school curricula. However, they did not discuss the obstacles and hindrances to attaining that goal. Fourth, the writers have focused their research on Sichuan and Tibetan ethnic minorities. Therefore, we cannot have the larger spectrum of ecological studies included in the curricula of the rest of the country. The circle and scope of the study should have been more extensive and complex. Fifth, the writers of this article have not succeeded in approaching the subject topic holistically and have left much to be desired.
A type of civilization with cultural values is ecological civilization. Due to variations in social behaviors, different nations, regions and ethnic groups will unavoidably have varied perspectives on what ecological civilization means and how it manifests externally due to economic and social growth. A long-term and methodical endeavor, the development of ecological civilization education in China necessitates the participation of each individual and is normally carried out at three levels: the social, the national and the school one. This is because implementing such projects at the local level is difficult due to the cultural variety. In this paper, it is argued that the entire society is the soil for developing ecological civilization education in China. The government is the external guarantee, schools are the primary battleground, and the government primarily relies on schools to accomplish the goal of ecological civilization education. In order to examine the countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in China in the current era of cultural variety, this study will concentrate on the school level. This covers the goal system, instructors, students, curriculum, methodology and environment. Additionally, it expounds on the precise steps of integrating ethnic ecological culture into ecological civilization instruction in schools (ALEXANDER; STIBBE, 2014, p. 104).
The Chinese Government has made a national commitment to advancing the creation of a “harmonious world,” preserving ecological security worldwide, and promoting sustainable development, which is the duty of a growing power on the international stage. All nations are currently dealing with several ecological crises in the post-industrial era, including resource depletion, environmental degradation and biodiversity loss. The Chinese Government supports shared responsibility, equal chances and just compensation for all nations on resource use and ecological stewardship. It rejects all forms of egoism and the hegemony of the major powers.
By successfully implementing its “sustainable development strategy” in 1996, China has made significant efforts to promote global environmental protection and construction and has been successful in key areas like population control, energy conservation, emission reduction and ecological construction (LIU, 2022, p. 49). According to the report of the 18th Party Congress, China would continue to uphold the fundamental state policies of resource conservation and environmental protection. It would give priority to conservation, protection and natural restoration, promote green development, circular development, and low-carbon development, and create an industrial structure, a spatial pattern, a mode of production, and a way of life that conserve resources and protect the environment (CHEN, 2020, p. 89).
Cultural diversity is an essential component of human society and has a vital role in the development of human civilization. It is based on the differences in social behaviors related to various peoples and nations. As a result, we ought to value cultural diversity, recognize and cherish our own culture, and promote its healthy development as well as that of other countries. All national cultures should be treated equally, and we should also value individuality, appreciate diversity, live in harmony, improve communication and promote the development of global culture (ARCURY, 1990, p. 300).
A type of civilization with cultural values is ecological civilization. Due to variations in social behaviors, different nations, regions, and ethnic groups will unavoidably have varied perspectives on what ecological civilization means and how it manifests externally due to economic and social growth. For instance, environmental movements in the West are the primary means of presenting ecological civilization. Since the turn of the century, people have considered ecology in terms that go beyond the natural world and have seriously considered the underlying causes of the ecological problem (BERKOWITZ, 2005, p. 227).
Respecting and coexisting with nature, recognizing the intrinsic value of natural ecosystems and outlining people’s moral responsibilities to the environment are the guiding concepts of ecological civilization. Traditional Eastern and Western natural values are being questioned, transmitted and developed. Its rich historical and cultural background includes consideration of and criticism of present western anthropocentrism, as well as the reconstruction of natural values based on contemporary organic biological ideas. It also integrates ancient Chinese natural ethics. Over several thousand years, the ecological civilization of China has created systematic ecological ethics and a particular national identity (JI, 2013, p. 59). Confucianism, which upholds the inherent worth of all things, encourages treating others and the environment with kindness and love. Taoism, which emphasizes reverence for all things in order to perfect oneself, uses way of nature as a guide for behavior. Buddhism demonstrates the ecological ethics of compassion through the notion that all beings are equal and all things are spiritual (LV; WU, 2019, p, 19).
When it comes to comprehending, using and implementing ecological civilization, various countries, nations and regions frequently display different philosophical perspectives, ways of thinking and behavioral patterns, or even engage in conflict and confrontation due to differences in national interests, national psychology, history and culture. The goal of ecological civilization is to manage the relationship between people and nature in a way that benefits both parties. To do this, we must both hold and control, use and protect nature, and cooperatively maintain the world, which is our one and only home. It is the logical premise and conceptual basis for dialogue and cooperation on ecological issues with other nations and countries, overcoming the differences between various national cultures (BRUYERE, 2005, p. 20).
As a result, while participating in cultural exchanges, we must recognize and grasp the components of “ecological civilization” that are shared by all and accept, comprehend and tolerate the disparities. At the same time, all nations should uphold the principle of shared but differentiated responsibilities, and developed countries should assume greater responsibility in international cooperation with the basic interests of humanity as the starting point. This is because more than 200 years of industrialization in developed countries have placed enormous pressure on the existing ecological environment (CARSON, 1962)
Cultural traditions have an impact on culture in every era. Cultural development and inheritance are two elements of the same process, and culture always develops based on inheritance and inherits during the development process. As a result, we ought to base our actions on social norms, face the world, learn from everyone, inherit the past, embrace the present and actualize cultural innovation (XI, 2019, p. 2).
We know that ecological civilization is the people´s growth and innovation based on prehistoric civilization, agricultural civilization and industrial civilization as we understand the cultural connotations of ecological civilization throughout history. Ecological civilization is a profound understanding and grasp of the relationship between man and nature, a dialectical negation of the relationship between man’s enslavement to nature in primitive civilization and man’s conquest of nature in agricultural and industrial civilization. Ecological civilization is not a total negation of agricultural and industrial civilization nor a simple return to primitive civilization (CHAI, 2010, p. 548).
It must be noted that the biggest obstacle to global peace is the difference between wealthy and developing nations. There are many different approaches to resolving ecological issues. Each country faces unique starting points for development and survival circumstances due to its unique historical trajectory, specific natural conditions and humanistic traditions, as well as social control mechanisms, various economic development models, cultural concepts and value systems, industrialization levels and development depths, among other factors. These factors explain the differences in ecological civilization construction. While everyone is responsible for working toward sustainable civilization, the specific living conditions or development route of no nation or country can be replaced or ignored.
Otherwise, the case for global accountability will become less plausible. China promotes international cooperation and stresses that each nation should select the best development model in accordance with its own situation and conditions; ignoring the objective situation and adopting other models of nations will not help. The choice of development models and the routes for economic growth are also important aspects of global ecological construction, and in a more profound sense, there are ideological differences that can be quite significant (LIU; XUE, 2020, p. 20). To achieve world peace, it is therefore necessary the global action of ecological protection looks for common ground while reserving differences, establishes an inclusive international vision, constructs a global development concept of mutual respect, pluralistic coexistence and mutual support, and eradicates the limited ideological differences of unilateralism. Individuality should not be eliminated in the name of harmony, and differences should not be in conflict with one another either. The complementary nature of differences is the basis for harmony. The meaning of the harmonious development of human civilizations and a fundamental law of social things and social development are harmony and difference, which everyone should aspire to in their daily lives (LIN, 2020, p. 1).
We must thus accept the ecological civilization brought about by the globalization wave. Economic globalization forces us to take a more global perspective, utilize both domestic and foreign resources to their fullest potential, promote international collaboration in the advancement of ecological civilization, establish common standards for the development of the ecosystems of the world, and actively support the establishment of a new international ecological order. To democratize international relations, we must uphold the equality of all nations, acknowledge their unique historical, cultural and practical circumstances, as well as their peoples’ diversity. International ecological cooperation must also be conducted under the guiding principles of fairness and mutual gain, true cooperation and reciprocity of obligations and rights (CORTINA, 1993, p. 98).
In order to perform quantitative research on the five components of ecological literacy – knowledge, awareness, ethics, emotion and behavior – we drew on the ideas of linguistic ecology. These elements provide reliable evaluation criteria for evaluating ecological literacy. They could represent a fresh approach to ecological study and advancement. Our work explored interdisciplinary research by fusing linguistics and ecology. We discovered that among these five criteria, the participants in our case study varied greatly in their degree of ecological literacy. As a result, we suggest the three following focused remedies (COYLE, 2022).
First and foremost, we must focus on the creation and content of ecological education, which includes both indoor and outdoor learning. This will have a variety of effects on the degree of ecological literacy and is one of the best strategies to promote it. The most significant influence on the degree of ecological knowledge will come through environmental education, which includes a variety of ecological knowledge-related topics, including professional ecological knowledge, ecological ethics knowledge, and environmental and biological knowledge in nature (CRUTZEN; STOERMER, 2000, p. 17).
Second, we should actively promote outdoor activities, increase local natural landscape appreciation and foster a love of nature among metropolis residents. The appropriate departments must expand outdoor activities based on getting eco-education. This will improve residents’ physical health and allow them to enjoy nature. We can more clearly understand the urgency of ecological issues by spending more time in nature (DAVIDSON, 2021).
Finally, in order to improve ecological literacy, we must act to express everything linked to ecology through our own actions. After identifying ecological issues, remedies must be put into use. The preceding strategies are the finest means of achieving effective ecological behavior. Regular environmental education initiatives are required. They should be overseen by experts who exhibit ecological behavior and have a high level of ecological literacy.
To understand the inherent differences among residents of ecologically advanced cities better, the experts compare the various types and sociodemographic characteristics of metropolitan residents in terms of ecological literacy in future research. The social scientists also need to examine more in-depth recommendations to improve ecological literacy. By suggesting efficient growing techniques, this will assist the experts in promoting and cultivating ecological literacy in accordance with the residents’ unique qualities. The findings of the present study can offer some important insights that can raise the level of ecological literacy of China generally and serve as a guide for the study and development of ecological literacy in other nations and regions.
Ecological ethicists have shifted the ethical focus from human society to the entire ecosystem, demonstrating the subjugation of human comprehension of natural values and offering a useful framework for contemporary society to reexamine the interrelationship between man and nature. Ecological and ethical principles will not have an impact on life experiences until they become part of our common sense, at which point we will need to reconstruct our system of life values and adopt a new lifestyle that is consistent with an ecological civilization. Since ecological security and the sustainable development of all regions in China are related, especially in today’s culturally varied world, education about ecological civilization is essential. Promoting environmental civilization education in the variety of China calls for raising relevance and paying attention to impact orientation, removing barriers across the natural sciences, humanities and social sciences, and creating a discipline-integrated ecological civilization education system.
In order to respect cultural diversity in the process of developing ecological civilization, this paper first suggests general countermeasures for developing ecological civilization education in a social environment that is culturally diverse at the school level. It then uses the Sichuan-Tibet region of China as an example to show how to take targeted actions at the school level. As stated in the paper, the Sichuan-Tibet region has rich and distinctive ethnic ecological culture resources, so it should be incorporated into ecological civilization education in schools. This will increase the learning effect by encouraging students’ interest in ecological civilization education and lowering the difficulty of understanding. The inclusion of ethnic ecological culture in the teaching of ecological civilization in schools is just one type of notion paired with the features of the Sichuan-Tibet region, and it may face numerous challenges in actual implementation.
References
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ARCURY, T. A. Environmental Attitude and Environmental Knowledge. Hum Organ, v. 49, n. 4, p. 300-304, 1990.
BERKOWITZ, A. R.; FORD, M. E.; BREWER, C. A. A Framework for Integrating Ecological Literacy, Civics Literacy, and Environmental Citizenship in Environmental Education. In: JOHNSON, E.; MAPPIN, M. (ed.). Environmental education and advocacy: changing perspectives of ecology and education. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. p. 227-266.
BRUYERE, B. L. The Effect of Environmental Education on the Ecological Literacy of First-Year College Students. J Nat Resour Life Sci Educ, v. 37, n. 1, p. 20-26, 2008.
CARSON, R. Silent Spring. New York: Houghton-Mifflin, 1962.
CHAI, H. Researches on Reliability and Validity of Inspection Procedure in Questionnaire Design. World Science and Technology Research and Development, v. 4, p. 548-550, 2010.
Chang, B.; LIU, X.; IAN, C. Research on countermeasures for the development of ecological civilization education in schools in the context of cultural diversity. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 21- 36, 2023.
CHEN, J. On the Theoretical Character of Xi Jinping’s Thought on Ecological Civilization. Qinghai Social Science, n. 6, p. 85-93, 2020.
CORTINA, J. M. What is Coefficient Alpha? An Examination of Theory and Applications. J Appl Psychol, v. 78, n. 1, p. 98-104, 1993.
COYLE, K. Ecological Literacy in America; What Ten Years of NEETF/Roper Research and Related Studies Say about Environmental Literacy in the U.S. The National Environmental Education and Training Foundation. NEEF, 2005. Available in: http://www.neefusa.org/pdf/ELR2005.pdf. Accessed in: April, 05th, 2022.
CRUTZEN, P. J.; STOERMER, E. F. The “anthropocene”. IGBP Newsletter, v. 41, p. 17-18, 2000.
DAVIDSON, M. F. Ecological Literacy Evaluation of the University of Iceland Faculty, Staff, and Students: Implications for a University Sustainability Policy [dissertation]. Reykjavik (Iceland): University of Iceland. Amazonaws, 2021. Available in: http://s3.amazonaws.com/zanran_storage/skemman.is/ContentPages/115928815. pdf. Accessed in: June, 08th, 2022.
JI, C. W. Interpretation of the Cultural Connotation of “Ecological Civilization”. Primary and Secondary Education, n. 11, p. 57-60, 2013.
LIN, F. The Philosophical Implications of Xi Jinping’s Thought on Ecological Civilization. Journal of Qiqihar University (Philosophy and Social Science Edition), n. 12, p. 1-3, 2020.
LIU, R. K. The Integration of Ethnic Ecological Culture into Ecological Civilization Education in Yunnan and Guizhou Universities. Environmental Education, n. Z1, p. 47-49, 2022.
LIU, Y.; XUE, R. Interpretation of the Connotation of Ecological Civilization and Its Institutional Guarantee. Research on Finance and Economics, n. 5, p. 19-25, 2020.
LV, Z. M.; WU, Y. R. “Seventy Years of Environmental Rule of Law in China: from History to the Future”. In China Law Review, n. 5, p. 16-20, 2019.
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Received: 27/12/2022
Approved: 10/01/2023
Research on the Integrated Training Mode of Higher Art Education for the Deaf[7]
Abstract: The development of higher education for the disabled is one of the most important indicators of the development of education for the disabled in a country, whether the support policies are perfect, and whether the social civilization is advanced. The results showed that deaf students with general school experience had better adaptive ability The integration model was more conducive to improve deaf students' school adaptive ability and social interaction awareness. The deaf students had higher demand for professional guidance and there is room for further improvement of the integration-training model. Based on the above research results and the problems in practice, this paper gives the corresponding countermeasure suggestions. The paper suggests that we should build a "trinity" integration education model oriented to socially integrated talents in art applications and improve the management system of integration education We should also improve the deaf college students’ learning support system under the leadership of the school, modify and reconstruct the integration curriculum system of arts and crafts majors, and strengthen the support and guidance of the society for the construction of integration environment.
Keywords: Deaf college students. Higher art education. Arts and crafts. Integrated education.
Introduction
The structural impact of economic globalization in the 21st century is also reflected in the field of higher education, where the reform of technology and information technology and the oriented needs of the knowledge economy have driven the reform of higher education, aiming at training the complex talents needed in the new era. The reform should focus on the articulation of higher education with the students’ future social life; we should unite the world, integrate China and abroad, close communication between teachers and students, and build a platform for cooperation. In the field of special education, higher art education for the deaf was proposed in the context of the reform of higher education and the development of the concept of integrated education in the world, and gradually gained attention and development (GARTNER; LIPSKY, 1987, p. 367).
Haigh and Martin (1993, p. 49) note that in the United States, once students with special needs enter schools, they use strategies such as "crowding and assistance" to meet the students’ needs with disabilities and other strategies to meet the students’ educational needs with disabilities. So those special education students can have a better academic life and better learning outcomes. According to Patricia et al. (2007, p. 12), special education needs aim to achieve curricular goals and it is necessary to provide special or adapted curricula for students through special equipment, aids or resources, altering and adapting the physical environment or special teaching methods and strategies, and emphasizing the social structure and emotional climate of the educational context. The formation of educational needs can be divided into objective factors such as social, cultural and developmental impulses and subjective factors such as students' self-development needs. With the transformation and reform of higher education in China, general higher education in this country has gradually entered the stage of "popular and universal" development (LI; QU, 2008, p. 28), and the "elite" higher education training model for deaf students cannot meet the deaf students’ educational needs (CHEN; WANG, 2016, p. 21). At the same time, the quality of education for deaf students is closely related to their employment, and the satisfaction of educational needs directly points to the solution of the deaf students’ employment problem.
At present, the Chinese deaf college students’ employment problems are quite serious, with low contracting rate, poor job stability and lack of interpersonal friendship at work, which seriously affect the Chinese deaf college students’ social integration and subjective well-being. The deaf college graduates’ employment rate nationwide in 2017 showed that more than 70% of deaf graduates did not have certain professional skills, and 50% of deaf graduates left their jobs after six months. In 2013, nationwide wide statistics and research found that deaf college students left their jobs because they were so different from their majors that they were unable to continue their hobbies and fulfill their dreams and values. Based on the results of this paper, the authors went into the case schools to conduct in-depth interviews and participant observations and found that many deaf college students believe that the deaf circle is important. Among those students, 62% believe that, given the objective factors of developing an integrated educational model and the reality of improving the deaf people’s subjective well-being, based on the deaf college students’ physiological and psychological characteristics, as well as the right brain advantage, spatial intelligence and strong practicality, this paper argues that deaf college students can choose to study arts and crafts. These ones can enable deaf college students to master and sharpen their craft skills in addition to the micro-integrated learning environment in school, where they can improve their sense of cooperation, communication, interpersonal awareness and, gradually, improve their subjective well-being based on their smooth integration into society.
2 Literature Study
2.1 Definition of core concepts
Higher education for the deaf occupies a crucial position in special education system of China, and the target audience of its education is generally the deaf students who have obvious problems in psychological and physical aspects. The promotion of this education is somewhat different from the general higher education. We consider that: (1) Special education can be simply defined as "an educational institution serving the hearing disabled group"; (2) Special education can be regarded as "the activity of admitting deaf people who meet the qualification requirements to receive relevant professional education in general or special colleges and universities through general or unique teaching forms, taking into account the characteristics and corresponding needs of the deaf group"; (3) This special education is an activity that takes into account the deaf population’s physical and mental characteristics and their main needs. After they have received their secondary education, they are given special professional education, through colleges and universities, in various scientific ways, in order to educate better high quality professional deaf people who can contribute to the good development of society.
In the process of this study, we can define higher education for the deaf as a purposeful and unique educational activity for the deaf population that meets the disabled’s educational conditions in China. Secondly, it is a specialized special education, which is relatively different from the general higher education, and its development is restricted by various social factors and realistic conditions.
Integrated education is developed from the "normalization" movement in Northern Europe and the "return to the mainstream" movement in the United States, and is often called inclusive education in China. UNESCO organized the "World Conference on Special Needs Education: Access and Quality" in 1994 and also successfully published the "Salamanca Declaration", which defined the concept of inclusive education for the first time It means: "All children have their own unique interests, skills and inner needs, and the teaching system should be designed and the program should be operated in a way that gives children with special needs the opportunity to participate in general education, and schools must do their best to meet the special needs of all children.”
The definition of inclusive education shows the following elements in the declaration: it is an education that firmly believes that all children are special and that each child should be taught in a differentiated way according to his or her characteristics; it is an advanced policy tool for social discrimination and social integration; and finally, it is an efficient form of organization that can scientifically and effectively increase the utilization of educational expenses.
2.2 Review of Literature
2.2.1 Progress of Research on Integrated Education Model
The idea of inclusive education is based on the social foundation of pluralism and equal opportunity in the West and the philosophical tradition of liberalism. Many countries have taken inclusive education as the ideal or ultimate goal of their special education development and the theoretical basis for relevant policy formulation. Different researchers and organizations have proposed different definitions of inclusive education according to their own understanding.
Duvdevany (2002, p. 379) argued that integration consists of two levels: first, equal and appropriate education for children with disabilities in a normal environment (i.e., regular schools); and second, equal and full participation of people with disabilities in the life of the community (i.e., community integration). Lindsay (2003, p. 3) and others argued that inclusive education should not be understood in isolation as being only for certain specific groups, but should be expanded to provide quality, friendly and diverse learning environments and opportunities for all. Ramsay (1993) states that inclusive education can be inclusive enough to accommodate all students’ needs, interests and experiences as long as this is what they deserve to be served. Aho et al. (2010, p. 166) pointed out that inclusive education should be richer, more diverse and more stimulating for students. Such an education should be one that is more conducive to students living in an equitable community after school, and that is not just for students who are disadvantaged in their current placement, but for all students.
Deng Meng (2009, p. 8) suggested that all disabilities are caused by pathologies, so it is important to identify the cause of the child's disability through scientific and effective medical methods. Based on the results of the identification, it is important to determine whether the child should be placed in an integrated or segregated environment. However, because identification is subject to error and may contain discrimination and prejudice on the part of schools, teachers specialists, the actual implementation of inclusive education may still prevent children with disabilities from being integrated into normal classrooms. Duvdevany (2002, p. 383) combined this philosophy with a resistance to "segregated" instruction:
All people build their expectations for us based on the experience accumulated by the disabled in the past. If all disabilities are isolated or seen as different, and considered as people with very different functions, they will not really be recognized and accepted by the society in any case. This can be said to be the strictest satire on the unique institutions and isolation system. (STAUB; PECK, 1995, p. 36-40).
However, Daniel (1997, p. 67) has always believed that unique education should be retained, and he believes that, in many places, unique education is incomparable to ordinary education, and it is unique because it is "unique". It focuses on special education, is research-based and emphasizes relevant empirical inquiry, which is lacking in many general education programs. This is due to the fact that the research-based specialization model is difficult to implement for all general education students, and that unwise integration is bound to increase the burden on students in the learning process.
Blackman (1992, p. 28) suggests that special education should be defined as a model of support in the regular classroom, rather than placing children with disabilities in a segregated environment; He also suggests that the development of unique instruction has lagged behind because special education has segregated children with disabilities for so long that people have ended up thinking that special children should be segregated. Pugach and Warger (2001, p. 194) argue that shadowing is not a scientifically sound programmatic strategy, but rather a measure that was developed due to inadequate teaching and learning conditions, and that it is a practical, but unavailable, alternative to unique instruction in our currently underdeveloped developing country.
In a research project funded by the Tianjin Philosophy and Social Science Research Institute, Liu Zhili et al. (2018, p. 52) followed up and analyzed the situation of deaf students who participated in the minor education study and explored how to optimize the teaching format of deaf students in China, in a rehabilitative manner from the perspective of integrated teaching.
Ren et al. (2017, p. 5) analyzed the current situation of the deaf education system in China and gave specific measures to improve it Jiang et al. (2018, p. 13) analyzed the same characteristics of two well-known deaf schools in the U.S. and summarized their specific ways of operation and organizational composition. They also analyzed the future direction and problems in the development of the deaf education process in China to build a socially acceptable teaching model for deaf students. Pang Wen (2017, p. 35) analyzed the system of higher education for deaf students at home and abroad in three key aspects, including the main body, the level and the specific distribution and number of deaf students Li Dan (2019, p. 51) pointed out the problems in the teaching of deaf students in China and proposed corresponding measures according to the specific problems. In this study, she analyzed the differences between China and the United States in the form of mass development and gave four suggestions on how to study the differences in the forms of mass development between China and the United States.
2.2.2 Review and Summary
In the field of art and higher education, inclusive education is an effective tool to fight against discrimination and to improve the people’s integration with disabilities. It is a practical and human-oriented teaching and training model.
The development of higher education for the deaf has gone through a process of segregated education, integrated education (with classes), education for all and integrated education in China. The research on higher art education for the deaf has been carried out by scholars in China, which shows that there is already a concern and investigation on the integration model in the field of higher art education in China. However, when introducing it into the field of special education in China, we should pay attention to the specific situation of this country and the specific practice of higher art education institutions for the deaf.
The deaf people have a great advantage in spatial intelligence, and the long-term use of sign language for communication has trained the deaf people's visual thinking skills. The habit of using visual symbols to express their thoughts has been developed gradually, which has created the deaf people's unique ability to express themselves. Compared with engineering, science, business and other art majors, arts and crafts ones, which are more suitable for deaf students to learn and develop. Therefore, it is meaningful and innovative to explore an integrated education model for deaf students to study arts and crafts.
The scholars’ research results in China have been limited to theoretical research. Most of the research methods are theoretical to theoretical, without experimental or practical proofs. The research contents are limited to the issues of teaching model, teaching management, teaching support system and other educational development. In addition, few scholars have studied the deaf students’ physiological, psychological and personality characteristics. There are few studies on higher art education for deaf students in China Few studies have explored the integration model of higher education for deaf students. Little attention has been paid to the deaf students’ social integration.
In this paper, we focus on the current situation and challenges of the integrated education model of higher art education for deaf students under the new concept of education, taking the 14-year teaching practice of the School of Special Education and Arts of M University as an example We observe the classroom teaching of its arts and crafts program. In this study, we will look into the current situation of its teaching mode of integrated education in terms of its philosophy, curriculum, education management, classroom teaching and faculty. We also find out the characteristics of its integrated teaching mode, analyze the deaf students’ problems and needs, and explore a suitable teaching mode of integrated education for deaf students.
3 Research Design
3.1 Research Methodology
The research paradigm determines the choice of research methods. Positivism (or logical positivism) corresponds to quantitative research, and interpretivism (or constructivism) corresponds to qualitative research., Based on the epistemology of interpretivism, it is natural to choose a qualitative research method. For this study, both the research questions and the research tools further helped me to confirm a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods as this thesis 3.1.1.1.1.
The nature of qualitative research, which is fluid, evolving and dynamic, contributed to the examination of this study about the process of inclusion in the School of Special Education and the Arts at School M. This paper argues that it is important to consider how various fluid factors in the school, such as deaf college students, faculty counselors, educational and instructional administrators, and the dean, understand the arts curriculum, arts instruction, and how this understanding influences their teaching behaviors. As Lindsay (2003, p. 5) said, education cannot be a living education unless it has roots in the earth. Therefore, the study of specific teaching and learning models or models of training requires the participants’ full understanding, the specific contexts in which they act and the impact of the contexts on their actions, in order to truly understand the specific actions and meanings of the various mobile elements in schools, such as deaf students, in the context of school integration. As Lindsay (2003, p. 5) said, words such as doubt, belief, thought, idea, etc., must be placed and described as actions in which the organism and the environment act together, or interact, if they are to have any objective meaning, let alone be publicly affirmed.
The first is to understand the current situation and the effect of the implementation of the integration model in the case school from the core participants’ perspective of the teaching activities. The second purpose is to process and analyze the data and to obtain the deaf students’ actual needs and to use the data analysis results as an empirical basis to support the construction of a more suitable integration model for deaf students (Loveland, 2000).
3.1.1 Selection and Determination of Case Schools
(1) Principle of maximizing the amount of information and the appropriateness of case schools
In this study, the primary principle of choosing M school as the case school is to maximize the information. In terms of location, School M is located in the center of the city, with convenient transportation and a small school area. The school is typical in terms of the appropriateness of its educational environment; the campus environment is full of art, the building of the College of Special Education Arts is full of art and fun, and a large number of original works and art elements are posted and arranged to reflect the emphasis of the college on the deaf students’ artistic and creative abilities. The School of Special Education and Arts has established its own independent building, although the teaching management of the school is independent from the school. The deaf students have the same teaching resources as the other hearing students in the school The activities, campus environment and school resources are all strongly integrated, which is conducive to the in-depth investigation and study of the integration mode of the disabled and the disabled.
(2) The relative objective advantage of the outsider field
Many researchers use the city where they have lived for a long time or a familiar field as the case study site, which can bring convenience in terms of transportation, environment, regional culture, educational culture, philosophy, etc. However, the familiar field also brings some limitations, as long-term immersion in the regional culture, educational culture and philosophy nurtured by the familiar field will be subject to stereotypes, stereotypes, habits and other subjective factors. On the contrary, in the field of the other, there is a relative advantage of being able to capture the new group of objects that exist in the new field (Loveland, 2000). In addition, because the case school is the only undergraduate university in China that provides arts education for the deaf, it has a strong attraction to this paper, and the case school has the relative advantage of being an outsider to this paper.
3.1.2 Research Subjects
In this study, we obtained the support and cooperation from the faculty and students of the College of Special Education and Arts of M University. 300 questionnaires were distributed among the students with hearing impairment in four years and the recent graduates. 206 questionnaires were collected, of which 186 were valid, with an effective rate of 90%. Among 186 subjects, 73 were male and 113 were female; 106 were totally deaf and 80 were with residual hearing. The rate of effectiveness was 90% (Details in Table 1).
Table 1 Basic Situation of Subjects
|
Attribute |
Subtotal |
Proportion |
|
|
Sex |
Male |
73 |
39.25% |
|
|
Female |
113 |
60.75% |
|
Grade |
Freshman |
79 |
42.47% |
|
Sophomore |
52 |
27.96% |
|
|
Junior |
28 |
15.05% |
|
|
Senior |
27 |
14.52% |
|
|
Long term residence of family |
Urban |
106 |
56.99% |
|
Rural |
80 |
43.01% |
|
|
Family composition |
Parents |
155 |
83.33% |
|
Single parent |
31 |
16.67% |
|
|
Only child or not |
Yes |
68 |
36.56% |
|
No |
118 |
63.44% |
|
|
The ability to read mouths |
Very good |
29 |
15.59% |
|
General |
118 |
63.44% |
|
|
Not so good |
28 |
15.05% |
|
|
Basically cannot see |
11 |
5.91% |
|
|
Degree of hearing impairment |
Hearing disability level 1 |
106 |
56.99% |
|
Hearing disability level 2 |
51 |
27.42% |
|
|
Hearing disability level 3 |
18 |
9.68% |
|
|
Hearing disability level 4 |
11 |
5.91% |
|
|
Annual household income |
30 thousand to 50 thousand |
139 |
73% |
|
50 thousand to 100 thousand |
25 |
13.44% |
|
|
100 thousand to 200 thousand |
14 |
7.53% |
|
|
200 thousand above |
8 |
4.30% |
|
Our production
In addition to the subjects of the questionnaire survey, two deaf college students, two teachers of professional courses and two teaching administrators were selected as the subjects of the interviews. In view of the fact that the study included the study of learning support systems, three teachers of professional courses, who were proficient in sign language, and one external expert teacher, who did not know sign language, were selected to conduct interviews and participant observation in the classroom. The purpose of the in-depth interview was to understand the deaf college students’ actual needs, who are the most important participants in the integrated education model, and to analyze and consider their suggestions.
3.1.3 Methodology of data collection
In this paper, we will enter the classroom of arts and crafts majors to conduct participant observation, and at the same time, the communication with the deaf students in their daily life and their verbal expressions can also reflect their views on integration. This paper will make full use of the class time and break time to interact with the deaf students to understand more about their preferences and the preferences for the teaching mode and course content.
In this study, we interviewed two deaf college students, a teaching administrator, a dean and two classroom teachers, mainly in semi-structured and unstructured interviews. In the deaf students’ dimension of interpersonal adaptation, the aim is to understand the problems of interpersonal and social communication between deaf students and their deaf friends, hearing friends, teachers and others in the process of learning and living in school. The purpose of the study is to understand the deaf college students’ career values who are studying arts and crafts, i.e., their job search needs and employment values, whether they aim at acquiring a skill to be a part of the society, or to realize their dreams and improve their self-worth.
The questionnaires used in this study were based on the Entrepreneurial Intentions Scale (EIS), developed by Macro (2006), the Basic Psychological Needs Scale (BPNS), developed by Deci, the Multidimensional Student Life Satisfaction Scale (BMSLSS), developed by Huebner, and revised by Liu Wang, a domestic scholar. The final questionnaire contains four dimensions: learning adaptation, interpersonal adaptation, environmental adaptation and career values. In the final statistical study, all the reverse questions were recoded, and the adaptation status improved with the increase of the score. The questionnaire was strictly reviewed by front-line experts and teachers, and it has good content validity. Most of the items in the questionnaire have factor loadings of more than 0.6 on one factor. The items reflect the scale topics to a high degree. The four dimensions of the questionnaire have significant correlation with each other, and the questionnaire has good structural validity.
The physical data collected included (1) school-level data, including internal school publications, school culture brochures and video materials; (2) teaching data, including teachers' schedules, lesson plans, teaching and research activities, student worksheets and student-made works; and (3) photographic data and how the school can make the most effective use of resources and provide the greatest possible resources for teachers. (4) Photo materials and how the school can make the most effective use of resources and provide teachers with the maximum possible resources, such as photos of the physical environment of the school, classroom layout, corridors, school motto, and the teachers and students’ activities during thematic activities.
3.1.4 Methods of information analysis
In this study, data coding was done through the following steps.
As the data collected in this study came from interviews, participant observation, physical observation and note taking, and the subjects involved were school administrators, teachers and students, in order to facilitate the subsequent query and analysis of the data, we used O for the data from participant observation, I for the data from interviews, S for the data from physical collection and N for the data from notes. The subject roles A denote school administrators and deans, T denotes teachers and S denotes students.
The second step is open coding, which is based on repeated grinding and reflection on the data read Creswell (2000) pointed out that during the initial reading of the data, it is important not to rush to categorize the data in order to grasp the overall context of the data and gain general understanding. The researcher first read the data word by word, line by line, and recorded some feelings, understanding and reflections while reading the data, i.e., a detailed memo.
The third step, associative coding, is to further coalesce, focus, refine and differentiate the codes obtained from open coding and the categories or themes among the codes, and on this basis, to seek a more general or explanatory dimension, or what Kaplan (1964) calls the search for "repeatable rules". Based on the degree of relevance of the codes, the categories that relate to various aspects of arts and crafts teaching were analyzed in terms of relevance, with rough correlations made on a case-by-case basis, and others that could not be categorized were considered in a separate category.
The fourth step is the coding of core categories, in which each category or stage is analyzed in depth and the information in the transcript is reassembled according to the relationships between the categories. An explanatory structure is constructed by systematically integrating the inter-conceptual relationships, conceptual attributes and dimensions. The final coding icon of the arts and crafts professional integration training model of the school is shown in Appendix II.
The main data processing methods were descriptive statistics, independent sample t-test and correlation test. Descriptive statistics were used to provide data support for qualitative information. Independent sample t-test was used to test the differences between the three variables of deaf college students' learning adaptation, interpersonal adaptation and environmental adaptation on the factor of whether they had general school experience or not. The correlation test was conducted to verify the correlation between the four dimensions of learning adjustment, interpersonal adjustment, environmental adjustment and career values, as part of the structural validity of the questionnaire. The correlation tests of the reliability, content validity and structural validity were conducted using spssl7.0.
3.2 Reliability and validity of research and research ethics
3.2.1 Reliability and validity test
(1) Reliability test
Reliability represents the stability and consistency of the scale.
The internal consistency coefficient, i.e. Cronbach coefficient, is generally
used to test the reliability of the Likert scale. The scale questions in the
questionnaire are selected by using SPSS17.0 for reliability analysis, and the
results are shown in Table 2. Except that the environmental adaptation
dimension is less than 0.7 due to fewer questions, the internal consistency
coefficient between the other three dimensions of the questionnaire is more
than 0.7. The internal consistency of the questionnaire is good. In addition,
the overall coefficient 
of the Questionnaire for Deaf College Students is 0.902, which is
greater than 0.8, proving that the questionnaire has high reliability.
Table 2 Alpha Coefficient Test Results of the Questionnaire for Deaf College Students.
|
Measurement index |
Number of samples |
Number of projects |
|
|
Learning adaptation |
186 |
9 |
0.812 |
|
Interpersonal adaptation |
186 |
12 |
0,774 |
|
Environment adaptation |
186 |
5 |
0.682 |
|
Professional values |
186 |
14 |
0.876 |
|
Total amount table |
186 |
40 |
0.902 |
Our production
(2) Validity test
Validity test is also called validity analysis. To measure whether the results reflected by a questionnaire are valid, it is necessary to see whether the results can explain the theoretical concepts of the questionnaire in most cases, so as to determine whether the data results can be analyzed in the next step. In this study, the validity of the questionnaire is mainly tested by two methods: content validity test and structure validity test.
Validity check for the content and items of the questionnaire was determined on this basis through thorough analysis of pertinent literature, reference to a number of internationally used test questionnaires with good reliability and validity, and college students’ open questionnaire survey, students who are hard of hearing. The expression data gathered, in the open questionnaire survey, were used as much as possible to determine the items. Experts, front-line special education teachers, and hearing impaired college students also provided input.
Test of structural validity: First, use correlation analysis to test the structural efficiency of the correlation coefficients between the four dimensions in the questionnaire. It can be seen from the results that the Pearson correlation coefficient of occupational values and interpersonal adaptation, environmental adaptation and learning adaptation is p<0.05, indicating that occupational values and interpersonal adaptation, environmental adaptation and learning adaptation are significantly correlated at the confidence level of 0.05. That is, the four dimensions of the questionnaire are highly correlated, and the structural validity of the questionnaire is good.
Table 3 Matrix analysis of correlation coefficients among the four dimensions of the scale
|
|
Learning adaptation |
Interpersonal adaptation |
Environment adaptation |
|
|
|
Learning adaptation |
Pearson correlation
Significance (double tail)
Number of cases |
1.00
186.00 |
.497** 0.00 186.00 |
.539** 0.00 186.00 |
.439** 0.00 186.00 |
|
Interpersonal adaptation |
Pearson correlation
Significance (double tail)
Number of cases |
.497** 0.00 186.00 |
1.00
186.00 |
.604** 0.00 186.00 |
.577** 0.00 186.00 |
|
Environment adaptation |
Pearson correlation
Significance (double tail)
Number of cases |
.539** 0.00 186.00 |
.604** 0.00 186.00 |
1.00
186.00 |
.535** 0.00 186.00 |
|
Professional values |
Pearson correlation
Significance (double tail)
Number of cases |
.439** 0.00 186.00 |
.577** 0.00 186.00 |
.535** 0.00 186.00 |
1.00
186.00 |
**. At 0.01 level (double tail), the correlation is significant
Our production
After that, the scale was tested for goodness of fit. The main fitness indicators, obtained after the error items, were optimized and corrected. They are shown in the following table:
Table 4 Overall goodness of fit analysis table
|
Fitness test index |
Ideal standard |
Model results |
Conclusions |
|
CMIN/DF |
1-3 |
1.335 |
Good |
|
RMSEA |
<.08 |
0.043 |
Good |
|
RMR |
<.08 |
0.061 |
Good |
|
GFI |
>.90 |
0.802 |
Common |
|
CFI |
>.90 |
0.963 |
Good |
|
IFI |
>.90 |
0.963 |
Good |
Our production
The fitness is good. In terms of other fitness indicators, most indicators perform well, and the overall fit is good. It shows that there is a high agreement between theory and actual data. The results of the scale are convincing, and the structural validity of the scale is good.
This study improves the reliability and effectiveness of data analysis through the following methods:
First, triangular mutual evidence is used to improve the validity. Information is collected and compared from different perspectives, such as managers, teachers, students, etc., mainly by comparing the observation and interpretation of different research objects on the integrated training mode of arts and crafts. Data from different sources are used for mutual comparison, including physical data, in-depth interviews and participatory observations.
Second, the personnel verification method is used to collate the recording transcription, interview and observation records. After that, it feeds them back to the researchers to ensure the authenticity and accuracy of their core data. Third, the objectivity of the coding process. Students, who belong to the same major and researchers, are invited to code the interview data for three times, compare the codes of different researchers and ensure the objectivity of the coding process through the consistency of the coding.
Finally, reflect on researchers as research tools to ensure that the researchers are value neutral in research. Through the continuous improvement of this process, the sensitivity of researchers, research objects and the relationship between researchers and research objects can be improved The researchers’ capacity should be guaranteed as much as possible.
This research opens access to the case school and gives a detailed description of the purpose and situation of the study to the personnel who need to participate in the study. In the process of qualitative interviews, in order to obtain more realistic information, especially when the research issues are sensitive, some researchers may use covert access. It is also feasible to conduct covert research in the educational environment. It is often necessary to conceal, from the participants, the fact that the research has being conducted or its real purpose. This research does not deal with sensitive subjects. But it enters the research field in the open and provides a general description of the research purpose to the principal, grade group leader, teachers, parents, and other relevant personnel, as well as who I am and what kind of research topic I am working on. I then go on to specify my research purpose as the research moves along. The public has a guaranteed right to know about the research object. In order to respect the subject's rights, the research also uses anonymous processing when presenting questionnaire data and other materials and avoids exposing the subject's image.
4 A Comprehensive Exploration of the Integrated Cultivation Model of Higher Arts Education for the Deaf
4.1 Comprehensive discussion based on research findings
Based on the results of the data processing, the following conclusions were drawn from the comprehensive analysis of the scale data using SPSS17.0.
According to the purpose of the study, the differences in the three variables of academic adaptation, interpersonal adaptation and environmental adaptation among the deaf college students, with and without general school experience, were tested. This indicates that deaf college students, with and without general school experience, have different assessments of academic adaptation, interpersonal adaptation and environmental adaptation. The deaf college students, with and without general school experience, have different assessments of academic adaptation, interpersonal adaptation and environmental adaptation. The benefits of a general school education, which provides more opportunities for deaf students to interact with the hearing population and the outside world, as well as a platform for joint learning and extensive interaction, are unparalleled by special school education. In the school environment, the learning mode of integration is more conducive to the deaf students’ school adaptation ability.
The results of the questionnaire analysis show that most of the deaf students have good interpersonal skills in school, and the integration of college teaching and school environment is conducive to the deaf students’ development of interpersonal skills. However, it is common for deaf college students to feel frustrated due to the communication barrier, and there are still problems in the deaf college students’ self-esteem and self-confidence. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to how to transform school adaptation into social adaptation in the construction of the integrated education training model.
The data of this dimension showed that there were 9 items under the learning adaptation dimension. The results of the seven items showed that deaf college students had higher needs for professional guidance, and the specific needs for academic guidance were, in descending order, extra tutoring in art, elective art courses, lectures for deaf students, sign language interpretation, instant typing services, online learning resources and speech recognition training.
Based on the research and discussion on the current situation of inclusive education at three levels, namely, the campus culture construction of inclusive concept, the management of inclusive education at the College of Special Education and Arts and the implementation of inclusive teaching in arts and crafts, the following conclusions are drawn.
First of all, M School focuses on the spirit of freedom and openness. Its school philosophy has promoted the campus culture construction of integrated education, which has provided cultural guidance of the integration concept, support for the opening and development of the special education art institute support for the expansion of the enrollment of the special education art institute and for the expansion of the student population. It has also provided provision of school-wide integrated education resources, leadership in the special education teachers, sign language teachers and interpreters’ recruitment and campus logistical settings. The School of Special Education and the Arts provides important support for the integration concept, values and teaching practices.
Secondly, the integration education model of the College of Special Education and Arts is different from the traditional "classroom" integration model in four aspects: integration of curriculum content, integration of teaching resources, integration of campus environment and integration of social network. The use of teaching methods such as "appreciation education method" and "top student transfer method" provides a good educational environment to support the deaf students’ learning. Under the teachers’ leadership and guidance, students adopt inquiry, cooperation and meaningful construction methods of learning, which is conducive to the starting and ending points of the integration model of the School of Special Education and Arts. In the case school, they are to improve the technical skills and social integration of the deaf students. But the support and guidance of the leadership of the school, in social integration training, is not enough, and the integration model of the school has room for further development and improvement. However, the leadership of the college does not provide enough support and guidance for social integration training.
Again, according to the analysis of the deaf people’s physiological and psychological characteristics, deaf people have the advantage of left vision and right brain, spatial intelligence, visual thinking ability and the capacity to concentrate and do things differently from the hearing people. It is tentatively believed that the "practical-oriented" arts and crafts major is suitable for deaf college students and can promote deaf college students too. In addition, it is a good way for the deaf to learn arts and crafts, which is an effective way for them to open themselves and gain an open mind The implementation of the integration model in the arts and crafts program is conducive to the improvement of the deaf college students’ character and personality.
In conclusion, there are limitations in the credit system, studio system and classroom learning support system of the arts and crafts program in the case school. we will try to give specific suggestions for improvement and construction in the following subsections.
4.2 Construction of the integration training model of higher art education for the deaf
Based on the deaf people’s "small scale" and "elite" higher education cultivation model in China, it is necessary to build a "trinity" integration education model oriented to the innovative talents of art and application. It is imperative to build a "trinity" integration model to cultivate innovative talents with artistic application.
The "trinity" model of integration education not only focuses on the cultivation of deaf students' skills in craft production and the mastery of social skills, but also focuses on the cultivation of deaf students' comprehensive quality, social integration ability and basic interpersonal skills in society, i.e., promoting the joint development of quality, skills and integration. The goal of the integrated education and training model is to cultivate high quality and innovative talents, which meet the needs of the labor market and the new economy and society. So that deaf students can find their self-worth, improve their self-confidence and enhance their subjective sense of well-being. However, this model should focus on the combination of school adaptation and social adaptation to create a comprehensive and harmonious learning environment for deaf college students. So that students can adapt to society in advance during their four years of undergraduate study and lay a good foundation for their social adaptation ability.
As a "practical" art for deaf people, the arts and crafts major, combined with the trend of integrated education, the demand of labor market and the results of the research on deaf college students, suggests that the cultivated talents should have strong hands-on production ability and art design creation ability. It also suggests that they are able to analyze the trend of arts and crafts and market demand by sensing the trend of arts and crafts. At the same time, it is recommended that deaf college students should be trained with social integration and interpersonal skills, unlike the training goals for hearing students in art colleges of general higher education. This should be the overall goal of talent training. This is in line with the “trinity” model of integration training.
The majority of higher education institutions for the deaf in China evaluate the students’ academic performance by the total credits of the four academic years together. And they take the total credits of the four academic years that have reached certain standards as the basis for graduation. This credit system, which lacks systematic planning and neglects the integration of students, will reduce the deaf students’ motivation and learning efficiency.
The credit system proposed here suggests that each deaf student should accumulate 124 credits in four academic years and graduate after completing 124 credits. This amount of credits includes 60 credits of required courses and 64 credits of specialized ones, divided into two categories: major courses and elective courses, each of them accounting for 32 credits. After their sophomore year, deaf students will select a major course and a required course of their interest from the open major courses displayed on the website of the school, with different credits for different majors. 124 credits are required for deaf students in their junior and senior years, and on this basis, deaf students will be guided to choose other art minors, do their own internship, or participate in a program with their teachers’ permission. In particular, four courses, namely, Sign Language and Communication, Deafness and Society, Mental Health and Career Planning, will be offered as major courses, each one of them with 8 credits, in order to promote the choice of major courses for deaf students and to promote their awareness of social integration and interpersonal communication.
The studio system is designed based on the virtual integration of the work process and the logic of the simulated work structure, which can be regarded as an extension of the classroom teaching. In addition to the instructors’ professional team, the studio can also conduct an open selection and recruitment process among the best deaf graduates, and those who meet the two-way selection criteria can enter the studio after a voluntary application and examination. The staff is not fixed and is subject to periodic adjustments through periodic evaluations.
The studio does not directly undertake art and craft design tasks, but rather organizes daily teaching through virtual work assignments or group design projects, with the aim of integrating school teaching and social work through the "studio" as a window of interface. So those students have the awareness of active interpersonal interaction and social integration. In this paper, it is argued that the studio system can supplement the daily classroom art teaching with a virtual integrated work environment. So those students can receive multiple educational inspirations of art, technology, society, integration and interaction at the same time.
The main objective of higher education is to cultivate comprehensive quality and stimulate innovation consciousness, and the most important feature of the integration training mode is to focus on the deaf college students’ cultivation of social integration ability. Therefore, for the curriculum of arts and crafts, it should focus on the deaf college students’ improving the social integration quality and interpersonal communication ability on the basis of strengthening the deaf students’ comprehensive quality and craft skills, that is, the integration. The construction of the curriculum system is led by the element of "integration", and the three elements of "quality", "skills" and "integration" are developed synergistically.
In particular, first of all, the curriculum should be connected with the deaf students’ actual foundation, the teaching contents should be reasonably arranged, and suitable teaching and teaching materials should be selected. On the one hand, the gap of knowledge, after the deaf students enter the university, should be avoided and, on the other hand, it should guarantee the "necessary and sufficient" knowledge for the disabled students to learn professional skills. For example, the teaching of ideological and political quality courses, such as "Mao Introduction", focuses on strengthening the deaf students’ professional quality education. The teachers train the deaf students' sense of cooperation and interpersonal consciousness through the skillful use of sign language, the production of multimedia courseware, videos and other visual teaching methods and teaching methods. They cultivate the deaf students' sense of social integration in the academic exchange and cooperation.
The course is designed to help deaf students to master the basic language skills and writing skills, and to develop their understanding of professional knowledge.
In addition, the course is designed to enhance the deaf students’ skills in the field of arts and crafts.
Last but not least, the integration mode should focus on the deaf students’ social adaptation ability. It is not enough to teach in the classroom only through explicit integration education, but also through a large number of implicit integration education courses in the three-year university life. So that the deaf students can get out of the closed psychology and quickly integrate into the hearing students’ college group, and enhance the communication and integration into the mainstream society. The students will be able to integrate into the mainstream society.
5 Summary and outlook
The present study focuses on the current situation and challenges of the integration education model of higher art education for the deaf in the new concept of case schools. In this study, we will look into the current situation of its teaching mode of integrated education in terms of its philosophy, curriculum, education management, classroom teaching and faculty, and we find out the characteristics of its teaching mode of integrated education. The aim of this study is to investigate the teaching rules of higher art education for deaf students, and to improve the integrated education model of higher art education for them.
This study has the following limitations: firstly, the researcher was accompanied by a sign language interpreter during the interviews with the deaf college students, but this may affect the collection and acquisition of qualitative research data during the interviews and communication with the deaf college students; secondly, there is a limitation of the research time, because the distance between the case school and the researcher's own geographical location, which is relatively long. The research schedule of this study was so tight that we only had two months to conduct participant observation and interviews, which did not allow us to make many trips to the case schools We could have conducted a semester-long comprehensive study of the integration model of arts and crafts education in accordance with the time pattern of the case schools.
Second, based on the deaf college students’ psychological characteristics, the structured interview method, which was conducted in a direct question-and-answer format, may not be able to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the students' problems. If there is an opportunity in the future, a more detailed design can be made for the selection of the subjects.
Finally, based on the reflection of the sample size, the initial idea of the study was to conduct a cross-school comparative study, based on two case schools, and to select the colleges and universities in China that have done a good job in the integration of art education. But if we did so, the differences between the schools might be too great due to different regional cultures and school philosophies. And it would be impossible to compare the similarities and differences. If a follow-up study is conducted, the sample size will be expanded to study the impact of different regional cultures and school philosophies on the integration of higher arts education for the deaf.
PESQUISA SOBRE O MODO DE TREINAMENTO INTEGRADO DE ENSINO SUPERIOR DE ARTES PARA SURDOS
Resumo: Uma das medidas mais significativas do progresso de uma nação, no fornecimento de educação para pessoas com deficiências, bem como uma medida de quão bem seus sistemas de apoio operam e quão longe a sociedade se encontra, em seu desenvolvimento social, é o crescimento do ensino superior para pessoas com deficiências. Os resultados indicaram que os alunos surdos com experiência escolar geral apresentaram melhor adaptabilidade. O modelo de integração era mais adequado para aumentar a conscientização dos alunos surdos sobre a interação social e a adaptabilidade escolar. Ademais, os alunos surdos tinham uma demanda maior por orientação profissional. No entanto, é importante observar que o modelo de treinamento de integração ainda possui espaço para aprimoramentos. Com base nos resultados das referidas pesquisas e nos problemas da prática, o presente artigo apresenta as sugestões e pareceres de contramedidas correspondentes. O artigo sugere que devemos construir um modelo educativo de integração baseado no conceito “trindade”, orientado para talentos socialmente integrados em aplicações artísticas, aperfeiçoar o sistema de gestão da educação de integração, melhorar o sistema de apoio ao aprendizado de estudantes universitários surdos sob a liderança da escola, modificar e reconstruir o sistema curricular de integração das áreas de arte e artesanato e fortalecer o apoio e a orientação da sociedade para a construção de um ambiente de integração.
Palavras-chave: Estudantes universitários surdos. Ensino superior de artes. Artes e artesanato. Educação integrada.
References
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Received: 27/07/2022
Approved: 27/09/2022
Comment on “Research on the Integrated Training Mode of Higher Art Education for the Deaf”
Commented Article: LIU, Fangfang. Research on the integrated training mode of higher art education for the deaf. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 47- 72, 2023.
Liu (2023) has taken the pains and burnt the midnight oil to research the topic at hand thoroughly. The writer has skillfully highlighted all the main aspects of the research article and given suggestions and insights wherever the subject demanded. Scintillatingly, the writer employed all the research tools available to dig out all the profound wisdom and observations regarding this fascinating topic. One of the key measures of how well an education system of a nation for the disabled is doing, as well as how well its enabling laws and social civilization are progressing, is the growth of higher education for people with disabilities.
The culture of the deaf community is visualized through its art, which has a distinctive aesthetic value and serves a communication and cultural appeal. Building a campus culture of “tolerance and no difference” and constructing a social environment of “equality and integration” are goals of integrative education. The adoption of an integrated education and training model for deaf students, who major in arts and crafts and acquire higher art education, helps enhance deaf people’s social integration and fosters their seamless absorption into society (BATEMAN; LINDEN, 1998).
This work collects case study data using interviews, participant observations and object collections as part of a combined qualitative and quantitative research methodology. Using the School of Arts and Special Education at School M as the case school, the classroom teaching activities of four grades of the arts and crafts major are monitored in a collaborative manner. For in-depth interviews, two teachers, two teaching managers and two deaf college students were chosen. The deaf college students’ survey on the survival status was performed through the questionnaire for deaf college students, and the data were processed and analyzed using SPSSl7.0. The qualitative data are compiled and analyzed using the three-level coding method of Strauss and Corbin (CROCKETT; KAUFFMAN, 1999).
The results of the data analysis of the questionnaire and the coding of qualitative data indicate that: (1) deaf students with general school experience have better adaptability; (2) the universal health integration training mode is more conducive to improving the deaf students’ school adaptability and social communication awareness; (3) deaf college students have a high demand for professional guidance; and (4) deaf students with disabilities have a higher rate of unemployment. Fourthly, the integrated training mode of the case school is demonstrated in four areas: the integration of curriculum material, teaching resources, campus environment and social networks; yet, its integrated training mode still has potential for development (GERSTEN; SCHILLER; VAUGHN, 2000). Fifth, deaf individuals benefit from having a left vision, right brain, spatial intelligence, the ability to think visually, the capacity for concentration and the other healthy people’s practice.
According to initial speculation, deaf students can learn in the “practical” arts and crafts major (HALLAHAN; KAUFFMAN, 2000). When integration mode is used in the arts and crafts major, deaf students can better understand interpersonal communication and social integration while acquiring society-based abilities. The deaf college students’ needs in terms of learning adaptation, interpersonal adaptation and professional values are the key elements driving the creation of the integrated training model. However, national legislation and labor market demands have also had an impact (HALLAHAN; KAUFFMAN; LLOYD, 1999).
The following recommendations are made to improve the integrated training method of higher art education for the deaf at case schools in light of the study above findings and issues in practice. Another recommendation was to enhance the system for managing integrated teaching and learning, as well as to improve the integrated arts and crafts curricular system and learning support system for deaf college students under the direction of the school (HALLAHAN; KEOGH, 2001).
Few pertinent studies on the deaf students’ psychological traits and the integration model in higher education are now available in the research on higher art education for the deaf in China. The current state of the integration education model of higher art education for the deaf in case schools under the new idea is the main subject of this study, along with research on the difficulties encountered (HOCKENBURY; KAUFFMAN; HALLAHAN, 1999). Take, for instance, the 14-year integration training model and the teaching practice exploration of the Art Institute of Special Education. Explore an integrated education teaching mode that is appropriate for deaf students by delving deeply into the classroom teaching of its arts and crafts. It is significant to observe and understand the current situation of its integrated teaching mode from the school running concept, curriculum, education management, classroom teaching, teachers and other aspects, and discover its characteristics (KAUFFMAN, 1999). It has creative value in enhancing the integrated education model of higher art education for the deaf. It can encourage the investigation of the teaching guidelines of higher art education for the deaf in case schools (LLOYD et al., 1998).
Following are the limitations of the study. First, based on the researcher’s factors, the interview and communication with deaf college students can be affected by the collection and acquisition of qualitative research data, as the deaf college students’ conversations are supplemented by sign language translation and have a basic sign language foundation. The second limitation is the time necessary for study due to the geographical separation between the case school and the researcher. Only two months were available for participatory observation and interviewing due to the constrained study arrangement and learning progression in this paper, which is inconvenient for repeated excursions in the case school. According to the time rule of education and teaching in the case school, a thorough investigation of the integrated arts and crafts training mode for one semester can be done if follow-up research can be done (MASTROPIERI; SCRUGGS, 2000).
Second, given the deaf college students’ psychological characteristics, the structural interview method that the interview approach employs may not be able to determine the student’s understanding of the issues ultimately. The maximization of information is another principle that directs the selection of study materials. The content covered may not be exhaustive enough if there is a chance to design the selection of research objects in more detail in the future.
Finally, reflection is used to determine the sample size. The initial plan for the project was to compare two case schools as a starting point for a cross-school analysis. Then, for the field research, universities with superior higher art education integration and training models were chosen. The School of Arts for Special Education of School M was chosen as the case school because if this were done, it might result in too great disparities between schools due to varied regional cultures and school concepts, making it hard to analyze similarities and contrasts. Should a second study be conducted, the sample size will be increased to examine the effects of various regional cultures and educational paradigms on the integrated training model of higher art education for the deaf. This model can be used as a prototype universally and across the globe.
References
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CROCKETT, J. B.; KAUFFMAN, J. M. The Least Restrictive Environment: Its Origins and Interpretations in Special Education. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 1999.
GERSTEN, R.; SCHILLER, E. P.; VAUGHN, S. Contemporary Special Education Research: Syntheses of the Knowledge Base on Critical Instructional Issues. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2000.
HALLAHAN, D. P.; KAUFFMAN, J. M. Exceptional Learners: Introduction to Special Education, 8th edition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2000.
HALLAHAN, D. P.; KAUFFMAN, J. M.; LLOYD, J. W. Introduction to Learning Disabilities, 2. ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1999.
HALLAHAN, D. P.; KEOGH, B. K. Research and Global Perspectives in Learning Disabilities: Essays in Honor of William M. Cruickshank. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2001.
HOCKENBURY, J. C.; KAUFFMAN, J. M.; HALLAHAN, D. P. What’s Right About Special Education? Exceptionality, v. 8, n. 1, p. 3-11, 1999.
KAUFFMAN, J. M. Commentary: Today’s Special Education and Its Messages for Tomorrow. The Journal of Special Education, v. 32, p. 244-254, 1999.
LIU, F. Research on the integrated training mode of higher art education for the deaf. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 47- 72, 2023.
LLOYD, J. W. et al. Academic Problems. In: KRATOCHWILL, T. R.; MORRIS, R. J. (ed.). Practice of Child Therapy, 3. ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1998.
MASTROPIERI, M. A.; SCRUGGS, T. E. The Inclusive Classroom: Strategies for Effective Instruction. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill, 2000.
Received: 04/12/2022
Approved: 10/12/2022
MARXIST VIEW ON Global POLITICAL ECONOMY AND new MARKET TRENDS[10]
KEYWORDS: Modern Marxism. Political economy. The market economy, capitalism. 21st Century Economy.
INTRODUCTION
Commercial enterprises could generate money by exploiting their clients through the use of guaranteed monopolistic rights until Adam Smith came around. No matter how much money the landowning class wastes because of their laziness and inefficiency, surplus revenues can be transferred to the merchant class (and the state) and the country as a whole, benefiting both. Only during wartime or economic crises brought on by trade interruption due to natural, political, or military circumstances a surplus of wealth could able to be reaped by the people on the periphery of society. State policies based on the commercial and colonial systems must be adapted to capitalist systems if they are to be successful (MARX, 1991, p. 120).
There are two major contributions that Adam Smith made to civilization. First, he argued that the surplus was a result of an increase in the division of labor and an increase in the productive use of capital rather than its forced expropriation. He, on the other hand, viewed commercial cooperation as a win-win situation for both parties (KEYNESIANISM, 1988, p. 10).
All parties participating in a transaction must stand to earn anything from it for it to be effective; otherwise, they will not participate. Every time various trade options are presented to an individual, He or she will select the one that delivers him or her the biggest benefit. Transactions between capitalists and laborers are included here (MACMILLAN, 1994, p. 210). Trade limitations, according to these two concepts, limit the ability of at least one side to profit from a transaction. Other benefits of the trade include the potential for better utilization of capital within the economy and an increase in overall well-being as a result. The monopolist may benefit from monopoly power, but the nation as a whole suffers as a result. Eliminating the commercial and colonial systems, conflicts and commercial crises will not only boost the riches of the country. Human greed and folly have allowed the monopolistic system to persist, not capitalism itself, which is responsible for the problems of capitalism.
The foundation of Adam Smith's economic theory is the idea that production and exchange are essentially unrelated. The workers’ productivity was boosted by their hard effort and dexterity, as well as by the segmentation and mechanization of the job and the rich soil on which they worked (KEYNESIANISM, 2000, p. 45). An influential thinker, Jean-Baptiste Say, proposed that all three sources of production – land, labour and capital – contributed to the total output of the economy. Say was inspired by the physiocrats to come up with this concept. Because of the free market, the division of labor was allowed to flourish, resulting in a rise of the national wealth and an increase in the number of people it could support. However, even though this was true, commerce had a negligible effect on the allocation of funds to the various manufacturing components (BARAN, 2008, p. 60).
Some people thought that trading was only a means of distributing resources. According to this idea, price fluctuations sparked a shift in the allocation of labor and capital. These changes were made in conjunction with the general trend toward revenue parity across all industry segments in the country. To put it another way, factory owners' earnings were in equilibrium with their productive efforts in a free market (DIETZ, 1975, p. 142). The exchange rate simply served as a purely technical mechanism to guarantee that wages reflected productivity contributions at the predetermined rate of economic expansion. Unrestrained competition caused revenues to be lost by their original owners and transferred to other parties, impeding the process of equilibration. Because competition is unable to level the playing field with monopoly power, you cannot be taken advantage of.
Money only serves a functional purpose in Smith's paradigm. According to monetarists and mercantilists, it is a myth that wealth can only be acquired through the use of money. This is what these people believe. Smith based his beliefs on David Hume's view of money as only a means of exchanging things. Smith saw money as nothing more than a means of exchanging goods. In the long term, removing money from circulation and preserving it in an inert hoard does not benefit the owner financially; rather, it inhibits the owner from having the opportunity to produce additional money by putting his resources to productive use, which results in a loss of financial gain (AGNEW, 1979, p. 99). Since the power of money is restricted by the pressure of competition, collecting monetary riches does not confer any particular economic rights on the owner of such riches, unless those riches are tied to monopoly power.
To keep the economy from collapsing, monetary hoards are used to create a reserve fund. The more money a person has, the more money he or she can get for other currencies, and as a result, the more money he or she has overall. As a result, an increase or decrease in the money supply can only affect the overall price level and has neither edge nor affectivity on products produced or traded in a given period. Consequently, Smith developed a concept of analytical separation between real and monetary systems, which is analogous to the concept of separating production from the exchange (BARAN, 1966, p. 258).
Due to the numerous discrepancies that exist throughout Adam Smith's work, it is difficult to track his development of this idea. Both political economy and economics have been built on its core principles. This so-called science claims that by using capitalist Smithian principles, it is feasible to establish an idealized capitalist system. This model can be used as a standard to measure how well actual capitalist systems work. As a result, it appears that the model captures the essence of capitalism and that any flaws in real capitalism are due to institutional and human limitations (BARRY, 2002, p. 285). People who use the system are to blame for its shortcomings rather than the system itself because they are incompetent, greedy, and ignorant. When capitalism was in its infancy, there was a rise in secular religions like this.
1 MARX'S CRITIQUE OF THE UNBRIDLED MARKET FORCES
For Marxists, the concept of the "cunning right of the strong" is that capitalists use their "passive mirroring" of the social relations of capitalist production to exercise their "cunning right" (ENGELS, 1843). There are three ways of looking at the exploitation of capitalism, and they all boil down to this: despite Marx's picture of the essence of the capital expressing itself in the market, the link between essence and appearance was not deterministic reductionism. According to Marx, the only way to discover the true essence of capital is through its exchange with other forms of capital. Essentially, competition is nothing more than a manifestation of the inner nature of capital, its inherent character realised as an external requirement. There are as many capitals as there are, each of them with a distinct personality because of this reciprocal process. There can never be a universal capital without competition from various exchangeable capitals. Capitalists' antagonism is reflected in the value of their trades. That is what I mean (CW28, 350). The capitalist nature of each capital is determined by the market. Since Marx was well versed in the market economy, he was well suited to explain capitalism and criticize political economy from a Marxian perspective. Therefore, Marx's critique of capitalism is inextricably linked to his understanding of the market (BLOCK, 2000, p. 83).
Instead of serving as an ordinary medium for capitalist authority, the market serves as a means through which the faceless power of capital is imposed on both capitalists and workers. As a capitalist, like a worker, you are subject to the whims of the market, and your fate is decided by that judgement of the market. While an individual capitalist is free to choose how he spends his money, the social nature of the capital imposes itself on him as he attempts to maximize its value.
Due to competition, every capitalist is compelled to participate in a class fight against overproduction. Individual capitalists are not responsible for this, but rather the drive of capitalism to grow production capacity without regard for market limits (CALIS, 2010, p. 1). Even though there is only a limited manifestation of "effective demand" in the market, capitalist production is not characterized by the subordination of social output to social needs. While social needs are important to capitalists, their primary purpose is to grow their riches. The only ways to combat this propensity toward commodities excess production and uneven development of production productive steady are global market growth, new "needs," and periodic destruction of productive capacity and redundancy of labor. Instead of being guided by the seemingly contradictory logic of surplus-value accumulation, a capitalist economy is steered by the desires of its connected producers and consumers.
Labor productivity and efficiency have improved to levels never before seen in human civilization as a whole due to the demand that all capitalists must decrease their working hours of workforces to the bare minimum to remain competitive in the marketplace. This is because the competitive nature of capitalism necessitates it for all business owners. A rise in labor productivity does not necessarily lead to an increase in the overall supply of commodities or a decrease in the overall quantity of work that must be done by the general public (CALLON, 1998, p. 1). As a result of rising wealth disparity and a shrinking middle class, we see an increase in economic inequality. Those who have lost their occupations and are now compelled to engage in idle endeavours make up the "reserve army of labour, "which is steadily growing. Humans are devalued during the accumulation process in the same way that machinery is devalued. Workers are more dehumanized and exploited as the concept of "development" moves forward at an alarming pace.
Human labour can now produce more commodities and services than ever before because capitalism creates the conditions necessary for such expansion. These discoveries would not have been possible without the application of several scientific theories and the utilization of multiple machines. The rising socialization of production under capitalism is the root cause of all of these characteristics. The products of socialized labor, on the other hand, are all claimed by capitalists as their own because this type of socialization is only possible under the control of capitalism (CALLON, 1998, p. 244). It is only when labor is socially organized that the capitalist possibilities are revealed as the social powers of labor. When labor is organized, the social powers of the workforce are unleashed. Rather than as a social relationship entwined with the process of production, the capabilities of capital are seen as inherent in the means of production instead. A lack of understanding about how money works have contributed to this.
The social structure, in which employees are currently operating, was not created by individuals individually. Instead, they are forced to interact with it as a capitalist system and must do so. They are informed of the situation in this way. Social aspects of working circumstances, including usage of machinery and capital fixed in all forms, appear to remain even if they are combined with the employee. Even if it is merged with the worker, this is still the case. So, as a result, it looks to be a capitalist-ordered practice that has no consideration for workers' interests at all (CALLON, 2007, p. 311). A capitalist social character appears to be bestowed upon the conditions of production as a result of this. This means that it appears to be apart from the workers and to be an intrinsic part of the production circumstances itself.
Karl Marx's critique of political economy was the culmination of a long and failed period of academic labor. The vast majority of Marx's publications, including his notebooks, correspondence, and other journalistic resources, are available to us for research purposes. Marx has created only two theoretical works that he wrote particularly for publication: The Critique of Political Economy and the three various editions of the first volume of Capital. It was Marx who penned both of them. With this, our readings of "What Marx genuinely meant" should be approached cautiously (CALLON, 2007, p. 111).
To focus on theoretical arguments, we must avoid giving undue weight to passages that have been removed from their original context and against giving too little weight to assertions that are made just for rhetorical or polemic purposes. Just two times in Marx's lifetime, he devoted his time to advancing his theory on modern society. The methodological grounds of the critique were formed between 1844 and 1847. Between 1857 and 1867, he worked carefully through all of the "economic trash" to construct the theoretical implications that resulted from it. During Marx's lifetime, he lived in three separate phases.
2 ENGELS’ CRITIQUE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY
Marx was completely ignorant of the political economy until 1844. Because money is the most abstract and universal expression of alienation, it is the source of his moral-philosophical critique. However, the study of political economy by Friedrich Engels provided him with an economic basis for his moral-philosophical critique of capitalism. On the other hand, Marx went further than Engels in his criticism. We must first examine Engels' critique of the market before we can understand Marx's (CHRISTOPHERS, 2014, p. 12).
Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy sparked Marx's interest in political economics. For his part, Engels' critique of capitalism focused on the economic and moral problems that competition created. Engels contended that the following crises of capitalism were caused by the increase in competitiveness among private industrial asset owners.
Private property, Engels claimed in his critique of political economy, is the source of all market system ills. This demonstration showed that private property generates competition for economic interests in the marketplace, utilizing private property as a case study. Through this conflict, the values of the market are defined. They, like economists, reject the existence of the conflict that underpins product distribution. Instead of the "relationship between land productivity and human side, competitiveness," as economists have shown, the basic cause of rent is not disparities in soil output, as economists have claimed (CHRISTOPHERS, 2014, p. 15).
As far as product allocation goes, "There is no inherent standard; it is a wholly foreign and, in their case, lucky norm – competition, the wise right of the stronger." This leads to fragmentation, which divides capitalists against capitalists and workers against workers as a result of private property. Competitiveness is the key to eradicating human wickedness as it currently exists.
Because supply and demand, in a private property system, are constantly out of balance, society develops via competition between different types of interests. There are many reasons for this imbalance, but the first and most important one is that the economic players are ill-informed. The imbalance stemmed from a lack of information. Because we are all currently living in a state of unconsciousness, it is impossible to estimate the size of the market (EMMANUEL, 1972, p. 80). Prices rise when there is a discrepancy between supply and demand. This, in turn, promotes additional supply to be generated. As soon as it is introduced, prices start to fall; if supply is greater than demand, prices keep dropping, reviving the consumer’s interest. The result of this is an unhealthy situation that prevents any progress from being made because the cycle of overstimulating and fading never ends. Economists deem this law to be one of the best due to its ongoing revision. Anything that is lost in one place is gained somewhere. On the other hand, this is a natural law rather than a mental law. It is a universal law that states that all things must change. In his brilliant theory of demand and supply, the economist says that "One can never produce too much," but in practice, trade crises occur as frequently as comets. According to the economist, "One can never generate too much." These corporate upheavals, on the other hand, show that the law is reaffirmed in a different way than the economist would like us to believe (FINE, 2003, p. 478). As an example: if regulation can only be implemented by periodic disturbances, what do we make of it? The fact that the participants were completely unaware of what was going on proves that this is a universal law.
To avoid rivalry and crises, producers would need to know what their clients needed, the amount they needed to make themselves as well as how much they needed to share among themselves. If you continue to produce like humans, rather than scattering particles that have no idea who they are, all of these unnatural and impossible-to-test hypotheses will vanish. "There will be more trade disruptions as long as you continue to produce haphazardly and negligently, leaving everything up to chance. Each new financial crisis will be worse than the last because it will have extended more and further. A bigger number of small capitalists will become poorer as a result, and the number of people who rely only on their labor will increase, which will lead to an increase in the amount of labor required (CW3, 433-434).
As a result of the competitive character of the economy, there is a constant desire to overproduce, which leads to an imbalance between supply and demand. Competition between capital, labor, and land eventually causes production to reach a fever pitch, at which time all-natural and rational linkages are flipped on their heads by production (FINE, 2002, p. 200). No capital will be able to resist the challenge of other forms of investment if it is not used to its utmost capacity. To win a competitive dispute, one must put up the most effort possible and give up all of their basic human ambitions in to so. It is impossible to avoid the following weakness that results from this overexertion.
Only those who are unable to cope with the pressures of competition would be left behind, according to Engels, who does not go into great detail on how this leads to overproduction. Individuals who cannot keep up with the competition are left behind, and he refers to this as "the stronger wins" in the context of the battle. At the beginning of the development of capitalism, redundancy, and overproduction cycles coexisted side by side. Eventually, the economy will reach a point of excess productive power, resulting in the mass extinction of the human race as a result of a lack of available resources (HARVEY, 1975, p. 200). Both the circumstances of the country and its demeanour have attracted ridicule for some years now in England. Boom and bust cycles, also known as overproduction and underproduction, are likely to occur when production is subjected to higher volatility in a circumstance like this one. Contradictory capitalism is embodied in this cycle of boom and bust, poverty and surplus, overwork and underemployment, and the capitalist mode of production as a whole is not an exception to this pattern.
For Marxism, it is important to remember that Engels linked the crisis tendencies of capitalism to competition (CW4, 508). However, he also made the point that "[…] all is done blindly, as guesswork, more or less at the mercy of accident in the market." (CW4, 508; 382 of CW4) As an analogy, he cited the general cycle as the root cause of the incapacity of separate markets to coordinate supply and demand (HARVEY, 1985a, p. 9). It is because of the centralizing tendencies of competition, as well as the rising monopolization of industry, that the general cycle is feasible, he explained. "The greatest levers for the autonomous growth of the proletariat" can be found in the economic crises, according to Marx's critic, Friedrich Engels. In part, this is due to technological advancements that allow the "reserve army" workers’ regular infusion (CW4, 384, 429). "The mightiest levers for the autonomous growth of the proletariat" can also be found in economic crises (CW4, 580).
3 ALIENATED LABOR AND THE FETISHISM OF THE COMMODITY IN CAPITALISM-RULED SOCIETIES
Marx's annotations on James Mill's analysis of the value form served as the basis for his critique of political economics and the capitalist mode of production. Marx's critique of political economy was likewise strongly dependent on the capitalist mode of production. Marx began each new chapter of Critique of Political Economy and Volume One of Capital by extending and enhancing the analysis he had begun in 1851 in his notebooks and Grundrisse. Each subsequent chapter began with this growth and elaboration of the analysis (HARVEY, 1985b, p. 20).
Marx's method holds that the underlying social relations of production cannot be separated from the commercial connection for analysis. After performing his research, he comes to this conclusion. Both the buyer and the seller are not private individuals; rather, society determines who they are. They are commodities bearers whose skills and attributes come from their function in the social reproduction of production. The social interaction it shows is not specified by exchange, a formal abstraction. An exchange happens when two parties decide to exchange products or services. By contrasting Marx's market theory with Smith's examination of the trade relationship, we can have a better understanding of the relevance of Marx's claim. The perception of the exchange relationship as an asymmetrical link between two nominally identical property owners is a flaw in Smith's reasoning. Smith's analysis is flawed in this regard. Engels was critical of political economy because it disregards the inherent power imbalances in such relationships, where "the smart right of the stronger" prevails in the inevitable conflict of interests (HARVEY, 2010a, p. 1). Nonetheless, this critique against Smith is not fundamental because it does not undermine Smith's premise that both sides benefit by trading, regardless of the unequal strength and advantages of each side. This critique against Smith is not fundamental because it does not undermine Smith's premise that trading benefits both parties.
Marx's critique of political economy focuses on the asymmetry of social function rather than the unequal power relations between actors in transactions. As a result, it is easier to see the asymmetry in social function (HARVEY, 2010b, p. 12). Fortuitous interactions between isolated producers of specialized use-values, who exchange these use-values to satisfy each other's mutual desires, are the foundation of market theory. There is a balanced relationship between those who sell and buy products privately (although, as Smith himself recognized, such casual exchange will not lead to a determinate exchange relation, nor are these possessors of things yet owners). Asymmetry between the owners of money and those who possess things is not the norm in societies that have produced commodities, but rather the norm in those societies. This disparity complicates the interaction between the parties involved. In other words, whenever people trade, the social power of money comes into conflict with the unpublished outcome of an individual's effort.
If you are employed by a private corporation, the output of your labour is not meant for you to use. Using value only works within the social production system as a whole, though. However, even though it was developed in private, it has been produced for others’ benefit, and the only way it can be a useful product is to be developed for others. Only by exchanging commodities for something else can the labor, which went into their production, be put to use for the benefit of society. A commodity is a social product. Exchanging something signifies social acceptance of the utility value of an object as a value unto itself, or expressed in another way (HENDERSON, 2019, p. 3).
Our understanding of commodities requires us to think of them as practical good that is produced by only a single person's effort and effort alone. On the other hand, the commodity itself cannot be put to any kind of immediate use. It can only be regarded as valuable if it is traded for something else. The creation of use-values collectively is impossible since it is only possible to satisfy human desires through the private production of commodities as values in a society that generates commodities. The social division of labor is determined by the free interchange of goods and services, not only the worth of individual commodities. The division of the effect of the labor on social relationships is expressed in this way (HENDERSON, 2006, p. 1).
Commodity value determination is complicated by the ambiguity and complexity of the social processes that drive it. It is necessary for an item to be traded firstly with someone who can value it before it can be assigned value to its social context. What matters most to the individual creator is that the worth of the product is realized, not who buys it. When it comes to the value of the commodity, the link between the individual and other producers is merely a blip on the radar. When it comes to commodities, it appears that the quality of a person-to-commodity relationship is intrinsically linked to the worth of the commodity itself.
As stated in Engels' critique of political economics, the "labour theory of value" derives the value of a commodity from its link to its producer, whereas the "utility theory of value" derives it from its relationship to its consumer. The value of a commodity does not appear to be influenced by the social context in which it is produced; rather, the worth of the commodity appears to originate from the fact that it is a result of labor and an object of desire (KALECKI, 1954, p. 57). Thus, the commodity has a built-in capacity for social power, which is derived from the social relations of production linked with the commodity. Isn't it more important to how a commodity performs in the context of other commodities in society to establish its value than how it looks on its own? When it comes to the "fetishism of commodities," this is where it all began.
Political economists idolized commodities because they neglected to take into account the possibility of social labor being taken. The naturalization of capitalist social relations was caused by a failure to explore the social basis of value. Even among the most well-known proponents of the monetary value system, including Adam Smith and David Ricardo, there is a propensity to treat the commodity as a separate entity from the monetary value system. This naturalization of capitalist social interactions led to the naturalization of capitalism. Even if they are only focusing on how much money it is worth, it is not enough. It has gotten much more buried. In the bourgeois mode of production, the value form of the output of labor, which is the most abstract and universal form, characterizes it as a historical and transitory form of social production distinct from other modes of production. The most widespread form of the bourgeois mode of production, the value form of the output of labor, allows this distinction to be drawn (KARATANI, 2014, p. 1). This leads to the erroneous belief that social production has always operated in this manner. If you do not understand the differences between different value forms and the various monetary systems, then you will not be able to make the best decisions.
Even though it is only an appearance, the fetishism of commodities is real. However, the relationship between individuals and things is predetermined, but the interaction between individuals is merely accidental. A person's social life is profoundly influenced by the circumstances of his or her material possessions. Since things are linked together, it is correct to say that social interactions can be communicated through these relationships. Commodity power does not exist, and it is naïve to believe that it does. One could argue that, instead of drawing its social strength from the commodity, it serves as a symbol of social alienation (KINCAID, 2007, p. 10). Commodity trade, as a social form of value production, must be studied in more depth. There must be more attention paid to understand the fundamental mystery of money, which is the most abstract and universal kind of currency power.
4 MONEY AS A SOCIAL RELATION AND A CATALYST FOR CHANGE
Because of this, classical political economics was unable to see how commodity production was a distinct sort of social relationship that could only be recognized through trade. As a result, in the political economy, money is not seen as a symbol of social relationships (LEVY, 2002, p. 137).
Traditionally, the exchange of goods and services was rather evenhanded. Commodities were exchanged between parties in a trade. The rate of exchange was set by the amount of labor done in the collecting of the given products. Therefore, each person was able to satisfy their needs through the trading of commodities. However, the content of trade was determined by the exchange of one person's private labor for another's private labor, and this was the form of the exchange. The trade of goods and services between individuals was seen as a private matter in ancient political economies. Private barter is the basis of the sophisticated trading system in capitalist countries, and money was created as a means of facilitating the coordination of desires (BRECHER, 2010, p. 1).
He argued that, contrary to Marx's ludicrous vision of business, the traditional political economy myth believes that, when isolated individuals engage in rare exchanges, exchange prices are not required to reflect the amount of labor that goes into producing certain goods. Exchange ratios could only be measured in this way in a highly competitive market. Every system of commerce already has a socially defined interest, thus achieving the private interest requires replicating the same social norms and practices. A person's wish can only be fulfilled if society determines the nature, manner and methods of doing so. Grundrisse (p.156; see page 156) cites the following:
As long as there is a well-developed trading system, there is no need for two separate transactions: one of use-value and one of labor value. There is an asymmetrical exchange rather than a series of one-to-one exchanges. If you value money over utility, then you are more likely to value a commodity than you are to value its utility. Contrast this with a transaction when the goal is to exchange a commodity that is not needed for one that is. As a result, the other commodity may be useful to me in the future as well. As opposed to the conventional explicit exchanging of use-values of the story, the exchange system aims to coordinate needs. There can be no international alienation of needs without the mediation of value. Direct commodity dealing has a basic asymmetry, which suggests that commerce is not as harmonious as the mainstream narrative suggests (LIE, 1997, p. 432).
Even the most basic notion of exchange cannot be reduced to the simple exchange of one good for another if we move away from the classic parable and understand exchange as a social phenomenon. Even in the most basic kind of transaction, this is true. A certain amount of genuine manual labor is required throughout the manufacturing process of each product I sell. And this amount varies from one product to the next. I truly hope that when I sell my work, I will get a fair price for the time and effort to create it. Alternatively, I am trying to portray my product as a symbol of nonmaterial, socially essential labor time, rather than as the product of my direct labor. Without this, understanding money is impossible.
The time spent by employees, who must do their duties, is more important to me than the amount of actual labor that went into its creation. So, I will treat it as an embodiment of abstract labor. As far as I am concerned, it does not matter how long it takes the other manufacturer to complete their product because the comparable has already been removed from the conditions under which it was made then (MACKENZIE, 2006, p. 341).
When you look at the exchange from the perspective of a social relationship, it becomes evident that my commodity is a part of a broader social universe of commodities. The fact that my commodity is the same as another's does not affect the fact that my commodity is the same as another's. When exchanging my commodity, the equivalent commodity is exchanged as such since it is an embodiment of abstract labour and, as such, represents a fraction of the total labor performed by society. The other commodity must be treated as an equal in exchange if it is to hold this level of social influence. As long as there is no connection between the two, it is just another commodity like any other (MACKENZIE; MUNIESA; SIL, L., 2007, p. 1). For every currency, there is always a commodity, and money is just another commodity. The fact that money is a global currency and an abstract representation of human labor, when seen as a commodity, means that it lacks many of the features that are commonly ascribed to it. The status of the money, as a currency replacement, has had a role in the development of these characteristics.
We commit one of the most prevalent errors in political economics if we think about money in isolation from the context in which it is transacted. Gold, according to the mercantilists, had intrinsic value. When it came to determine the value of an item, they focused solely on how much money it could be exchanged for; in other words, the worth of a good was defined by how much money it could be traded for. To put it another way, the value of gold is just the ratio of the values of two distinct commodities. The exchange value of gold, like that of any other commodity, is simply the ratio of the values of two different commodities. The market for mercantilism and monetarism has created an unexpected link between "exchange value" and "price." Classical economics argued that an item or genuine worth of service could only be expressed through its intrinsic value and that the market was just the route through which this value might be communicated to customers (MACKENZIE; MUNIESA; SIL, F., 2007b, p. 1).
Both of these views of money, according to Marx, are insufficient to explain its nature. One of the major tenets of classical political economy was that money is a distinct commodity that can be compared to other commodities. While this is true, monetarists were right to point out that money was created as a universal medium of exchange rather than a specific commodity. As soon as it is realized that power of money is derived from its social standing in the economic system, the problem is overcome. Money can only fully represent value if it serves as a universal equivalent. This is where the power of money comes from. Commodities and money can only represent collective relations as a result of production, and money is a byproduct of those relationships developing during the production of commodities themselves.
The social relation of money concretizes the link between the individual's labor and the collective labor undertaken by the society. Private labor is put to the test to see if it has any societal value or necessity by putting the commodity on the market (MARX, 1885, p. 1). Therefore, private labor aspires to be acknowledged as a unique category of abstract social labor. The quantity of labor time, that the market considers to be socially important, does not, then, imply that the actual amount of labor accomplished or that the labor is socially valuable in response to the stated needs of the market. Only when prices and values continually vary from the labor times stated in specific commodities, the socially regulated production of goods is viable. The discrepancy between the price of a commodity price and value leads to the production of alienated commodities. However, according to classical political economy, it was unimportant.
A society built on the production of commodities has a paradoxical foundation, which is the main reason for the crises that mark the development of capitalism. The formal abstractions of political economy, which reduce money to a technological instrument, conceal this conflict. These crises happen because the political economy treats money as a mere technological tool. When it comes to political economy, the only thing that can limit an infinite expansion of output is the natural environment. In contrast, a commercial transaction, that can be reduced to a formal transaction, has no issues whatsoever. Recurring crises are not caused by an alienated and irrational style of social production, as traditional political economy suggests. Human error is more likely to be the cause of these calamities (MARX, 1964, p. 1).
The bourgeois mode of production, according to Ricardo, is the only mode of production that matters, thus money is merely a formal means of circulation. The form of a commodity has no bearing on its value, and Ricardo would argue that barter and commodity circulation are just two different forms of exchange. When there is a crisis, it is difficult for him to accept that the bourgeois mode of production has a built-in obstacle to the unrestricted expansion of productive forces. However, only when producers fail to anticipate the consequences of their lack of foresight, causing a disruption of exchange can there be a crisis in commodity trading. To avoid the idea that crises are the consequence of chance, one must switch from commodities analysis to capital analysis (MARX, 1967, p. 1).
5 FROM THE COMMODITY TO CAPITALIST PRODUCTION
At least in his early writings, Marx did not distinguish between the production of commodities and the production of capitalist products. Insofar as commodities are used to reproduce social production relations, the shift to capitalist production will have a significant impact on how we think about trading interactions. Irrespective of how widely Capital is read, Marx did not provide the foundation for his critique of capitalism until Grundrisse (MARTIN, 2008).
For this reason, incidental bartering cannot be generalized to the systematic trade of products in political economy. As a society based on extensive commodity production, the analysis of commodities and money produced by commodity production may be applied to the analysis of a capitalist society, which is based on broad commodity production itself.
The shift from commodity production to capitalist production has a significant impact on the social structure of the economy. "Money capital," which he defined as "capital as money," was the most abstract sort of capital that he examined (Capital, I, p. 247). Unless it is used to create capital, money will never be able to "self-expand". When used as a means of exchange for goods, money cannot self-expand, and the same is true when it is kept in reserve. When money is in circulation, the only way to enhance its value is to buy something and then sell it. It is only then that money becomes capital as it grows in size as it moves through the economy. Value is transformed into money and then into the capital in this manner: value to money to capital. According to the article (Capital, I, p. 256; MIROWSKI, 2013, p. 213):
In the beginning, money is used to buy goods, which are then sold for profit by recovering the money spent on the original purchase. Value can be created in the form of "surplus value" by this process. "Capital" is a term for this phenomenon, in which the accumulation of value generates the sense that it can rise in value. Capital does not exist in the form of money or other commodities; it only takes on these forms as a result of the expansion of capital. Capital must undergo these transformations for it before the process does not raise the value of money or other commodities. The procedure would be unnecessary if this were the case. Thinking differently, on the other hand, means viewing capital "[…] as something rather than a connection" (page 258), and as a result giving in to the fetishizing notion of commodities, says Grundrisse. (MIROWSKI, 2007, p. 1980).
To be called capital, money and other commodities must be actively involved in the creation of new value. As a first step in understanding the workings of Capital, one must first understand how value can expand on its own. For a value sum to gain additional value as it travels, how is this possible? Capital must be able to appropriate labor at some point in its circulation without having to pay for it. Because of the location, this is not going to work out.
There can be no exchange because the only thing exchange does is altering the form that value takes. According to our understanding, at least. It is possible to have unequal exchanges, but that does not create any new value; all that happens is that the gains and losses are equalized. Although it is feasible to make uneven transactions, they will not add to the overall worth of the transaction. Merchants and usurers, for example, were responsible for redistributing value in the early stages of capitalism (MALLO, 2019, p. 1).
Value is created when human effort is integrated into the industrial process. Only the difference between estimated and actual labor costs can be used to generate surplus value. What exactly is it about work that prevents it from being fully compensated? Given that, this shows that labor is a commodity paid less than its value in the market. This raises the question of what distinguishes it from other commodities (MANRESA, 2020, p. 190).
Marx's conundrum was resolved by a careful analysis of the social structure of capitalism. He came to the conclusion that, instead of buying l labor, capitalists acquire the ability to produce that labor. When a worker was hired by a capitalist, no asymmetrical production relationship between the two parties was created, whereby each sold their "capital" to the company and earned an equal share of the finished output. Instead, the worker and the capitalist sold, each one, the firm and their respective "capitals," with the worker selling the corporation of his labor. By selling his ability to work (also known as "labour-power), the worker in issue sold the capitalist for a certain period. It was a capitalist's responsibility to put his money into action. Therefore, he purchased the necessary labor force and the necessary production gear (MITCHELL, 2007, p. 244). Workers are enslaved to the capitalist who owns their labor from day one. The first step in the process is to get started. To begin with, the product is owned by the capitalist, not by the worker who made it (Capital, I, pp. 291- 2).
These qualities were inevitable because manufacturing was based on the selling and purchasing of labour as a commodity.
When it comes to understand the concept of surplus value, it is important to know how much work a person does and how much work they sell. Because l labor can only be used or "consumed," the development of value, which establishes labor as an independent good in its own right, is necessary. Because labor is a commodity, it is paid for at its market value, but it can be put to use in ways that produce more value than its market price once it has been purchased.
If “labor” and "work-power" are not interchangeable terms, they are part of a fundamental division between "use value" and "value," which is at the root of most political economy misunderstandings. It is critical to distinguish between labor and labor power because each one reflects a separate social relationship, which can only be generated through a specific set of social interactions relating to production. People's ability to work is determined by the amount of effort they put in. It is up to every individual and collective work to realize this potential if they have the resources to do so. The link between labor-power and actual labor has been dissolved throughout history because workers have historically been cut off from the means of production and subsistence. Workers and capitalists are currently engaged in an exchange of goods and services. Labor-power exchanges their labor power for the equivalent of the means of subsistence they supply for themselves under this arrangement. For the payment of the wage, a capitalist receives full ownership of the results of the work done by his employees. When a transaction is complete, however, a product has not yet been created. To build it, the workers must bring their distinctive viewpoints and free will to bear on the production process (FUENTES; FUENTES, 2017, p. 529).
If you want to put it another way, they've given up on maximizing the influence of what they can achieve because they no longer feel entitled to anything that might come from their labor. It is his responsibility to ensure that the employees produce more value than he has invested in variable capital, and to achieve this, he must subordinate the workers' desires to his own. In other words, he must ensure that they generate a return on investment greater than the amount invested. Labor-power and labor can only be understood in labor output as a result of this conflict of interests.
Surplus value is not determined by labor time, but rather by an analysis of capitalist production based on the distinction between the value of labor and labor-power, which are established independently of one another. This is a key point to keep in mind. This is because Marx created the theory of surplus value. Overhead costs for labor and equipment are deducted from the profit of the product to arrive at the amount of surplus value that a business generates. Production cannot begin until the aforementioned sum has been received. Capacity defines the size of the capitalist’s operation and it can persuade workers to work additional hours beyond what is required to deliver a product of equal value to the sum that was originally stated. A capitalist form of the social determination of production does not rely on Ricardo or Marx, but on the capital itself, which reduces the actual activity of labor to the time spent on it. This is why it is permissible to describe the output value in this way. That is why there is no need for the " labor theory of value" to be a presupposition to "surplus value," but rather a result, in terms of how accurately it reflects the social structure of the capitalism. Why? Because it is a natural outgrowth of the theory that labor itself creates value.
As labor and labor-power are distinct, it is feasible to achieve a balance between the two ones, resolving political economy conflicts. Here are two components to the value of labor: the value it has as a commodity, and the value it contributes to the total product value. Pay is a measurement for both of these. As a result, its value is not in line with the current exchange rate. Profits are generated by underpaying workers compared to their market value. This is what they concluded. Capitalists and workers have an unequal distribution of goods and services, which leads to exploitative working conditions, according to this school of thinking. A division between labor and labor power allows Marx to do this (MUNIESA, 2007, p. 1).
6 THE CAPITALIST PROCESS OF THE MARKET ECONOMY
The incorporation of the notion of capital broadens our comprehension of production and trading. The production process is no longer under the direct producer's control. Direct producers may only work for and be directed by a single person, the capitalist, under capitalist production as long as the means of production and the means of production are kept apart. Creating value and surplus value is the capitalist's fundamental objective, not producing use-values. Sub-side-value production under capitalism necessitates the creation of use values. To put it another way, the work of capitalism no longer entails the use of production equipment to create useful goods. Rather than the worker being employed by capital, the means of production are employed by the worker instead of the other way around (Capital, I, p. 425).
Workers should not be viewed as a technical process in the labor process that is accompanied by equipment because of the "technical and observable actuality of the item above them." In this example, as in many others, social power can only be acquired through the growth of specialized social ties. When workers use machines, just a portion of the power of the capital may be applied to them. Alienated labor is a source of the power of the capital and a tool that capitalists can utilize to hire more workers by acquiring surplus value. Therefore, capitalism is a system that values things above people, values dead labor over living labour, and values producers above goods. The production process is only subject to the value-creation process in a capitalist labor process. There are still aspects of the labor process that involve people for an independent commodity producer. Efforts to reduce labor time are the only criterion in the capitalist labor process. Productivity is completely subordinated to profit and surplus value in the labor process of a capitalist economy. Instead of a cooperative technological arena for the production of use values, production is a never-ending battleground over the length of the working day, the intensity of labor, and the degradation and workers’ dehumanization. Production with the inherent exploitation of employees in the capitalist system, trade is characterised by the freedom and equal treatment of all participants (O'HARA, 2001, p.13).
7 OVERPRODUCTION AND THE GROWTH OF THE WORLD MARKET
Disproportionality appears to be a matter of chance as competitiveness and disproportionality become more interwoven. When it comes down to it, the individual moments have until now been completely unconcerned with each other. They determine and search for each other internally but they may never meet, balance or correspond with one another. To begin with, the occurrence of events, that are intimately linked but otherwise unrelated to one another, is required for the creation of a paradox. CW28 and 340 are the two most common examples.
The continual effort made by capital to overcome external and internal obstacles to its reproduction is a historical dynamic of capital accumulation that links production and circulation. This historical cycle of capital accumulation links production and circulation. Although capital accumulation tends to grow production capacity, regardless of market constraints, the increased output must still be sold for forged capital to be realized, which in turn enables the reproduction of capital to occur. The propensity of the capitalism to expand into new markets all over the world is determined by this. Because productivity varies so widely across countries, commodities can travel freely across them. This occurs as a result of a mismatch in the market between money changers and investors. A worldwide market is required for industrial production to find an active demand for its output once it has reached the modern stage of development, which is the same as finding an equivalent for its output.
The need to increase capital is inextricably linked to the desire to produce more and more with no end in sight, as capital accumulation was the major driving force behind the creation of the global market.
There can be little doubt that a global market will arise as a result of the fundamental qualities of the money. Thus, capital tends to expand the sphere of circulation while also transforming it into production, which is carried out by capital at every step in the chain of circulation. The fundamental contributor to the creation of relative surplus value is an increase in productivity. As a result, existing consumption increases, existing needs spread, and new needs and use values emerge.
As opposed to drive market growth and generate new demands, the major force behind the dynamic of capitalism is a firm determination by capital to fight against its natural inclination to amass and spread out in an unbalanced manner. This is because the capitalist mode of the dynamic of the production is derived from the efforts of the capital to overcome its tendency to accumulate and unevenly develop. A more accurate way of putting it is to say that market growth is strengthening the tendency to amass wealth and produce an excessive amount of commodities, rather than lessening it. This is the exact opposite of what one might predict (PECK, 2012, p. 129).
Extending credit promotes market growth, which accommodates discrepancies, enables the smooth liquidation of less lucrative capitals and absorbs insolvency, so reducing the over-accumulation of the capital. On the other side, excessive capital accumulation has the potential to set off a global crisis that is brought on by excessive global capital accumulation. Ripples spread across the entire system as a result of the downward spiral. When a company goes bankrupt, it sets off a chain reaction of defaults, which causes the market to shrink (PECK, 2007, p. 113). We use the term "systemic crisis" to describe a situation in which the entire system is under stress. In the typically benign evolution of the capitalism, there is no pathological eruption. Pathological eruptions are simply the most extreme manifestation of the accumulation character, and they are the result of the capitalists' subjective ignorance or misjudgment, rather than the most dramatic expression of the perennially crisis-ridden accumulation character.
CONCLUSION
It is unavoidable that some form of public banking and producer cooperatives will take over the economy to preserve society from catastrophic collapse if privatization and marketization are allowed to continue unchecked. This will be done to avert the catastrophic devastation that would otherwise occur. It has always been a key goal of the revolutionary movement to overthrow these institutions. From the time I first encountered Marxism and other radical ideologies, I have been a firm believer in the idea of "cooperative," or workers' democracy.
A democratically administered national industry is nothing more than worker cooperatives on a greater scale and in a political context, even if Marxists have long urged that important industries should be nationalized. This is because worker cooperatives have been around for a long time. As long as people believe that participatory budgeting, community land trusts, and other models based on democratic administration and ownership remain commonplace, it will be easier to take on the most powerful businesses in the world.
Progressives and "radical reformers", who want a more democratic and cooperative political economy, as well as more traditional progressives, who want to reverse the international austerity regime, will both ones benefit from the resulting chaos if the dire predictions of yet another economic collapse come true. Because of this, the international austerity regime will be more easily overturned if there is a state of anarchy. To put it simply, it is hard to imagine how a scenario like this could ever be avoided. Workers will set the foundation for truly revolutionary changes as long as activists struggle to transform production relations at all levels (regional/national/global) to eliminate private profit appropriation and authoritarian exploitative corporate structures. Transitioning away from “growth economy” capitalism, which devastates the environment, people, democracy and society as a whole, may be conceivable in the future.
For example, even while the fundamental concepts of Marxism might help guide our understanding of the path forward, we must discard the proletarian revolution as a model for a gradualist change in society. Building a new economy from the ground up and fighting for changes in public policy are two separate but intertwined tasks. Marxism has taken on this form in the twenty-first century.
La visión marxista de la economía política mundial y la nueva tendencia del mercado
Resumen: Desde el principio ha sido muy obvio que el capitalismo es un tipo de empresa engañosa. Por otro lado, el capitalismo ha estado vinculado a la acumulación masiva de riqueza. Como se indica, el capitalismo ha estado vinculado a la explotación, a una creciente desigualdad de la riqueza, a colapsos económicos y a conflictos internacionales. La economía política ha estudiado durante mucho tiempo cómo interactúan las dos caras del capitalismo. ¿Es posible arreglar los problemas del capitalismo preservando sus beneficios, como afirman sus partidarios? Algunos anticapitalistas sostienen que limitar o eliminar el capitalismo es la única manera de acabar con él. La teoría tendrá el mayor impacto en el resultado de esta situación. Los economistas ven los mercados como un lugar en el que todos reciben un trato justo a la hora de valorar y recompensar las contribuciones económicas a la sociedad. El reino del mercado, en vez de culpar los defectos sociales e individuales de manera global, culpa la carencia del individuo manera particular. La clave para formular una predicción sólida de la caída del orden actual es la tesis marxiana de que las relaciones de producción constituyen la base de toda civilización. En otras palabras, las estructuras de clase sustentan las instituciones políticas, culturales e ideológicas. De ello se desprende que una sociedad postcapitalista sólo puede desarrollarse en la medida en que surjan nuevas relaciones de producción, o de clase (o más exactamente, relaciones “sin clases”). De forma similar a cómo surgieron nuevas relaciones económicas a lo largo del tiempo cuando Europa pasó de una sociedad feudal al capitalismo industrial, y cómo se construyeron nuevas sociedades sobre estos sistemas, en las próximas generaciones surgirán nuevas manifestaciones de crecimiento masivo de la producción para que la especie humana experimente menos épocas de crisis económica. A finales de 2007, la economía mundial se desplomó rápidamente, obligando a los bancos a declararse en quiebra y a necesitar rescates gubernamentales. La principal idea errónea de las economías de mercado, que se autorregulan de forma natural, quedó rebatida. La catástrofe brindó la oportunidad a los individuos de reevaluar cuestiones de larga data que habían quedado sin resolver porque desafió las nociones preconcebidas. La obra fundamental de Marx, "El Capital", según las librerías de todo el mundo, tuvo un espectacular aumento de ventas tras la crisis. En algunos aspectos, el marxismo parece estar regresando. Debido a la tradición crítica que creó, que abarca las humanidades y las ciencias sociales, el marxismo no puede entenderse adecuadamente dentro del marco del siglo XIX. Marx fue capaz de influir en el agua que bebemos y en el aire que respiramos incluso en lugares donde fue rechazado. El marxismo es omnipresente, como han demostrado las dos primeras décadas del siglo XXI. Mientras sirvan de catalizadores para el bienestar y el desarrollo de la sociedad, las tendencias económicas contemporáneas como el espíritu empresarial y la libre empresa no son desalentadas por el marxismo moderno.
Palabras clave: Marxismo moderno. Economía política. Economía de Mercado. Capitalismo. Economía del siglo XXI.
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Received: 27/07/2022
Accept: 27/09/2022
Comment on “Marxist view on global political economy and new market trends”
Commented Article: Zhang, Fengrong; XIAO, Qianwen. Marxist view on global political economy and new market trends. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 79- 106, 2023.
Zhang and Xiao (2023) have skillfully dealt with a complex and intricate topic. The new market trends, such as laissez-faire and free market economy, and their role in global political economy with a Marxist view, were juxtaposed so elegantly. However, no work is without its flaws and weaknesses; this work is no exception. First and foremost, the writers have reiterated the same old mantra of ‘capitalism is evil.’ Even from the start of the abstract, the writers have mainly focused on the so-called defects of the capitalist system. They should have taken a middle ground and criticized this system from a vantage point of impartiality and with zero bias. Second, in the introduction, the writers reiterated trite and cliched quotes from Marx about Capital and its adverse effects on and for society. This lopsided view gives the readers the impression that the writers have a tilt toward one particular point of view. Third, the writers have failed to show a Marxist theory of emerging market economy trends. They would have been better placed if they had given due importance to modern Marxist approaches to these new economic trends and their relevance in the twenty-first century. Fourth, the writers’ criticism that Marx’s view on the unbridled forces of the economy was misplaced. These are not uncontrolled forces. This is called a free market economy wherein the business trends determine the price allocation and capping of the goods and other merchandise, which is not unfair to the buyer. Almost invariably, the free market economy delivers affordable goods to consumers, which is a positive step. The free market economy has contributed significantly to the prosperity of the world. Fifth, the writers have not sufficiently addressed the relevance of Marxist political and economic perspectives regarding new market trends that currently have their currency around the globe.
It has been abundantly clear from the beginning that capitalism is a deceitful type of business. On the other hand, capitalism has been connected to a significant increase in wealth. As it was already said, capitalism has been associated with exploitation, widening income disparities, economic crises and interstate hostilities. Political economists have long researched the interactions between the two facets of capitalism. Some anti-capitalists assert that the only way to stop capitalism is by reducing or eradicating it. The most significant influence on the outcome of this circumstance will come from the theory. Economists believe that when evaluating and rewarding economic contributions to society, markets are places where everyone is treated fairly. The root cause of societal and personal issues is an individual deficit, not market supremacy. The key to coming to a sound conclusion concerning the end of the current order is the Marxian thesis that production relations form the basis of every society. In other words, political, cultural and intellectual institutions are supported by class systems. It follows that a post-capitalist organization can only develop as new production relations, or more specifically, class (or rather, “no class” links), emerge (ANDERSON, 1980).
In the same way that new economic relationships emerged over time, as Europe transitioned from a feudal system to industrial capitalism, and a contemporary society was built on top of these systems, new manifestations of massive production growth will emerge in the ensuing generations so that the human species experiences fewer times of economic crisis. Late in 2007, the world economy quickly crashed, forcing banks to declare bankruptcy and need government bailouts. The main misconception of market economies that they are naturally self-regulatory has been disproved. The disaster provided a chance for individuals to reevaluate long-standing issues that had remained unsolved because it challenged preconceived notions. According to bookshops around the globe, Marx’s seminal work “Capital” had a dramatic rise in sales following the crisis. In some ways, Marxism seems to be making a comeback. Due to the critical tradition he created, which spans the humanities and social sciences, Marxism cannot be adequately understood within a 19th-century framework. Marx was able to influence the water we drink and the air we breathe, even in locations where he was shunned. Marxism is pervasive, as the first two decades of the twenty-first century have demonstrated. As long as they serve as catalysts for the welfare and development of society, contemporary economic tendencies, like entrepreneurship and free enterprise, are not discouraged by modern Marxism (ARTHUR et al., 1998).
Until Adam Smith, businesses could profit by abusing their customers by utilizing guaranteed monopolistic powers. Regardless of how much money the landowning class fritters away due to their inefficiency and laziness, surplus funds can be distributed to the merchant class (and the state) and the nation, benefiting both ones. The individuals on the periphery of society could only benefit from an excess of riches during times of war or economic crises brought on by trade disruption due to natural, political, or military events. If state policies based on the commercial and colonial systems are to succeed, they must be modified for the capitalist system (MARX, 1991, p. 120).
Adam Smith made two significant contributions to civilization. First, he contended that rather than being the outcome of forced expropriation of capital, the surplus was caused by an expansion in the division of labor and an increase in its productive application. On the other hand, he believed that business collaboration was a condition everyone benefits from (KEYNESIANISM, 1988, p. 10).
For a transaction to be effective, all parties involved must stand to gain anything from it; otherwise, they won’t participate. An individual will always choose the trade option that will bring them the most significant benefit when a variety of trade options are provided to that individual. This includes exchanges between capitalists and workers (BAUMOL, 1974, p. 51). These two ideas state that trade restrictions restrict the capacity of, at least, one party to profit from a transaction. The potential for greater capital utilization within the economy and an improvement in general well-being are two further advantages of the trade. Monopoly power may be advantageous to the monopolist, but it is detrimental to the entire country. The wealth of the country will increase as a result of the colonial and commercial systems, disputes and commercial crises being eliminated. The problems of capitalism are not caused by capitalism itself; instead, they are caused by human greed and foolishness, which has allowed the monopolistic system to continue (BARKER, 1991, p. 204).
Adam Smith’s economic theory is based on the notion that trading and production are unrelated. The workers’ hard work, dexterity, job specialization and mechanization, as well as the fertile soil they worked in, all contributed to their increased production (KEYNESIANISM, 2000, p. 45). All three of the sources of production – land, labour and capital – could contribute to the overall output of the economy, according to influential thinker Jean-Baptiste Say. Say developed this idea after being influenced by the Physiocrats. The division of labor was permitted to thrive because of the free market, which led to a growth in the wealth of the nation and the number of people it could support. Even so, the distribution of finances among the numerous industrial components was hardly affected by commerce (BARAN, 2008, p. 60).
People believed that resource distribution was the only purpose of trading. This theory proposes that changes in pricing led to a change in how labor and capital were allocated. These adjustments were made in line with the broad trend of the nation toward revenue parity across all industry segments. To put it another way, in a free market, factor owners’ revenues were in balance with their productive efforts (DIETZ, 1975, p. 142). In order to ensure that salaries accurately reflected productivity contributions at the predetermined pace of economic expansion, the exchange rate just operated as a purely technical mechanism. Uncontrolled competition slowed the equilibration process, causing income to be lost by their original owners and transferred to other parties. You cannot be taken advantage of because monopoly power prevents competition from levelling the playing field (BRENNER, 1977, p. 25).
Money solely serves practical purposes, in Smith’s view. Monetarists and mercantilists argue that it is false to believe that wealth can only be acquired via the use of money. These people share this opinion. David Hume’s contention that money is only a medium of exchange served as the basis for Smith’s position. For Smith, money served only as a means of exchange for goods. In the long run, hoarding money and keeping it out of circulation do not help the owner financially; rather, they inhibit the owner from being able to increase his wealth by putting his resources to productive use, which results in a loss of gain (AGNEW, 1979, p. 99). Unless such riches are tied to monopolistic power, accumulating financial wealth does not give its owner any special economic rights because the pressure of competition limits the power of money (BURNHAM, 1991, p.73).
Money hoards are utilized to establish a reserve fund to prevent the collapse of the economy. A person’s ability to exchange money for other currencies increases with their overall wealth; therefore, having more money makes sense. Because of this, a change in the money supply can only impact the level of prices overall and has no bearing on the goods produced or traded during a particular period. Smith, therefore, created the idea of a conceptual division between natural and monetary systems comparable to the concept of separating production from the exchange (BARAN; SWEEZY, 1966, p. 258).
Adam Smith’s evolution of this concept is challenging because of the various inconsistencies throughout his writings. Its fundamental concepts have served as the foundation for political economy and economics. This so-called science asserts that it is possible to create a perfect capitalist system utilizing capitalist Smithian principles. This model can be used to gauge how effectively existing capitalist systems operate. It follows that the model seems to represent the essence of capitalism and that any problems in natural capitalism are caused by institutional and human limits (BARRY; SLATER, 2002, p. 285). Because they are unskilled, greedy and stupid, those who use the system are to blame for its flaws rather than the system itself. There was an increase in these secular faiths during the early stages of capitalism.
The inclusion of capital expands our understanding of production and trade. The direct producer no longer has control over the production process. As long as the means and the methods of production are maintained distinct, direct producers may only be employed by and supervised by one individual: the capitalist. The primary goal of a capitalist is to create value and surplus value, not to create use values. These ones must be created in order to produce sub-side values in capitalism. To put it another way, using manufacturing machinery to make useful things is no longer necessary for capitalism to function. The means of production are employed by the worker rather than the other way around, as opposed to the capital employing the worker (THOMAS, 2014).
As a result of the “technical and observable actuality of the item above them,” workers should not be considered as a technical process in the labor process that is accompanied by equipment. In this instance, as in many others, gaining social influence requires the development of specialized social ties. Only a tiny percentage of the power of capital may be used on the machines that employees use. The ability of capitalists to hire e workers by acquiring surplus value comes from the use of alienated labor. As a result, capitalism is a system that prioritizes producers over products, dead labor over living labor, and things above people. In a capitalist labor process, the value-creation process is the only process that affects the production process. An independent commodities producer still uses people in some parts of the labor process. The sole criteria used in the capitalist labor process are attempts to shorten the amount of workdays. In a capitalist economy, productivity is fully subject to profit and surplus value. Production is a never-ending fight over the length of the working day, the intensity of labor, and the degradation and dehumanization of workers rather than a cooperative technological arena for producing valuable goods. Production trade is characterized by the independence and equitable treatment of all participants, in contrast to the inherent exploitation of employees in the capitalist system (O’HARA; MARX, 2001, p. 13).
As competitiveness and disproportionality grow more entwined, disproportionality seems to be a matter of luck. In the end, the individual moments have been wholly indifferent to one another up to this point; they determine and seek one another out internally, but they may never meet, balance, or correlate with one another. The first condition for the emergence of a paradox is the occurrence of events that are intimately tied yet otherwise unrelated to one another. Examples of CW28 and 340 are two of the most prevalent.
A historical dynamic of capital accumulation that connects production and circulation is the constant struggle capital makes to overcome internal and external barriers to its reproduction. Production and circulation are bound by this historical cycle of capital accumulation. Although capital accumulation tends to enhance production capacity despite market restrictions, the extra output still needs to be sold for forged capital to be realized, which then permits the reproduction of capital. This determines the capacity of the capitalism to penetrate new markets around the globe. Commodities can move freely across nations because productivity varies so greatly among them. This happens due to a market mismatch between investors and money changers. Once industrial production reaches the current level of development, which is the same as finding an equivalent for its output, it needs a global call to find an active demand for its production.
As capital accumulation was a crucial factor in the development of the global market, the urge to accumulate capital is closely tied to the desire to produce more and more with no end in sight. There is little doubt that the underlying characteristics of money will lead to the emergence of a global market. Because capital performs production at every link in the circulation chain, it tends to modify and enlarge the sphere of circulation. An increase in productivity is the primary factor in producing relative surplus value. Existing consumption rises as a result, as do needs, and new requirements and use values appear.
The main driving force behind the dynamic of the capitalism is not market expansion or the creation of new needs, but rather the steadfast will of the capital to battle against its natural tendency to gather and expand out in an imbalanced way. This is due to the dynamic of the capitalist mode of production being formed from the attempts of the capital to combat its propensity to accumulate and develop unevenly. To put it more accurately, market expansion is boosting, not diminishing, the propensity to accumulate riches and generate excessive quantities of commodities. Contrary to what may be expected, this is the exact reverse (PECK, 2012, p. 129).
Credit growth promotes market expansion, which accommodates differences, enables the orderly liquidation of less lucrative capitals, absorbs insolvency and lowers capital accumulation. On the other hand, a global crisis brought on by excessive global capital accumulation can start as a result of excessive global capital accumulation. There were reverberations across the entire system as a result of the downward spiral. When a business declares bankruptcy, a sequence of defaults follows, which leads the market to shrink (PECK; THEODORE, 2007, p. 113). When the entire system is under stress, we refer to the situation as a “systemic crisis.” There is no malignant eruption in the generally peaceful evolution of capitalism. Instead of the most spectacular expression of the constantly crisis-ridden accumulation character, pathological eruptions are just the most severe manifestation of the accumulation character and they are the outcome of capitalists’ subjective ignorance or misjudgment.
If privatization and marketization are allowed to proceed unchecked, it is inevitable that some kind of public banking and producer cooperatives will take over the economy to prevent society from experiencing a catastrophic collapse. To avoid the cataclysmic destruction that would otherwise take place, this will be done. A major objective of the revolutionary movement has always been to topple these institutions. I have held a strong belief in the concept of “cooperative,” or workers’ democracy, ever since I first read Marxism and other radical philosophies.
Even while Marxists have long advocated for the nationalization of significant industries, a democratically run national sector is nothing more than worker cooperatives on a larger scale and in a political context. This is because worker cooperatives have existed for a very long period. It will be simpler to take on the most powerful corporations in the world as long as people think that democratic administration and ownership models like participatory budgeting, community land trusts and others are still the norms.
If the dire predictions of yet another economic collapse come true, progressives and “radical reformers”, who want a more democratic and cooperative political economy, as well as more traditional progressives, who want to reverse the international austerity regime, will both benefit from the resulting chaos. Because of this, a condition of anarchy will make it simpler to overthrow the global austerity system. Said, it’s difficult to envision how a situation like this could ever be averted. As long as activists fight to restructure production relations at all levels (regional, national and global) to eliminate private profit appropriation as well as authoritarian and exploitative corporate institutions, workers will lay the groundwork for revolutionary changes. In the future, it might be possible to move away from “growth economy” of capitalism, which destroys the environment, people, democracy and society. Marxism has to reorient itself to the needs and demands of the free market economy, which has run the economy of the world successfully for many decades now and in the foreseeable future.
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Received: 27/12/2022
Approved: 10/01/2023
A Study of the styles and characteristics of basic music theory textbooks in China in the past 100 years
Abstract: Due to various historical and realistic reasons, the development of basic music theory in China lags behind in the teaching system, teaching content and other aspects. It is an important task for Chinese music workers to revise or supplement the current basic music theory and related textbooks and then build a discipline system of basic music theory in China. This paper synthesizes the theories of music education and music history, music culture, music morphology and other related disciplines. It uses scientific, objective and rational values and holistic and comprehensive concepts. It takes the development of the basic music theory education of China as the research object and takes history as a mirror to further consider and prospect the construction of the basic music theory discipline system of China. The basic theory of Chinese Music can be roughly divided into three stages: (1) The basic music theory from the early 20th century to the founding of the People's Republic of China; (2) From the founding of the People's Republic of China to the period of reform and opening up; (3) Basic music theory compiled and published since the reform and opening up. It can be seen, from the development of the basic theory education of Chinese Music and its teaching materials, that the development of western music theory in China, before the founding of the People's Republic of China, was a process from passive acceptance to active absorption. The scope of spreading western music theory was from the palace to the church, then to the school, and, finally, to the society, which made the music theory teaching in China gradually develop into a major and minor system as the leading mode. The basic theory of Chinese Music gradually deviated from its own track. With the deepening of music research after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the discipline development of basic music theory has witnessed a prosperous situation, and the construction of basic music theory is moving towards the direction of diversification and deepening. Many musicologists and music educators have made contributions to the construction of basic music theory in China from different disciplines and research perspectives. Based on the principle of "combining history with the theory" and combing the development of basic music theory in China, the ideal model of Chinese music theory discipline construction is conceived to promote the integration between traditional music theory and modern music theory from a diachronic perspective What is relevant to strengthen the unity of the nation and the world in basic music theory from a synchronic perspective, and to pay attention to the connotation of technology and culture in music theory teaching. But also to strengthen the scientific and logical concept in music theory textbooks.
Keywords: Basic music theory. Textbooks in China. Styles and characteristics. Development context.
Introduction
According to Mr Fei Xiaotong, a famous scholar of anthropology and sociology in China, "cultural self-awareness means that people living in a certain culture have 'self-awareness' of their culture, and self-awareness is to strengthen the autonomous ability of cultural transformation and obtain the autonomous position of deciding to adapt to the new environment and cultural choices of the new era (GE, 2004, p. 53). The philosophical idea of music education has a significant leading and guiding function in the development of basic music theory textbooks, according to the history of basic music theory textbook composition in China.
In order to understand the style and traits of creating fundamental music theory textbooks in China over a century, it is crucial to outline the change and evolution of the notion of Chinese music education as well as how Chinese music education philosophy is constructed. By integrating the writing style and traits of Chinese basic music theory textbooks throughout the past century, this research attempts to increase our understanding of the internal law regulating the development of these books. This essay will achieve this by thoroughly integrating the traits of the philosophical ideas behind music education over numerous historical eras. Throughout recent years, the domestic research on basic music theory textbooks mainly focuses on the following aspects:
Firstly, the review of basic music theory textbooks. Secondly, the research on writing Chinese folk music basic music theory textbooks. Thirdly, the discussion on the ways and problems of writing basic music theory textbooks; and fourthly, the research on the history of writing basic music theory textbooks. Scholars have emerged with many results from comparing Chinese and western music theory and the appeal and practice of writing basic music theory textbooks for Chinese folk music. In terms of exploring the ways and problems of writing basic music theory textbooks, scholars have raised many questions about the logical relationships, uniformity of presentation, rigor and interdisciplinary knowledge that need attention to write basic music theory textbooks. They pointed out the problems in writing basic music theory textbooks from different levels and promoted the scientific and systematic nature of writing basic music theory textbooks.
Because of various historical and realistic reasons, the basic music theory is called "pediatrics" in China. Ordinary teachers of basic music theory usually do not have comprehensive and in-depth research ability, while "everyone" in the music field disdains to explore the existing problems, which causes the development of basic music theory textbooks and teaching content to lag behind. Nowadays, a group of ethnomusicologists and music educationists is struggling to find out how to improve Chinese traditional music theory and how to build a Chinese music theory system.
Through the specific textual research on the introduction of European music theory into China, from the introduction of European music theory in the Qing Dynasty to the influence of Japanese music theory in the school song period and the involvement of the Soviet Union's music theory system after the founding of the People's Republic of China, this paper aims to explore the history, current situation and development of the construction of basic music theory textbooks. And it aims to explain more convincingly how European music theory affects modern music theory. It is of great significance for the research of music education in the new century to explain how the basic music theory can be improved and changed with the development of the times. On the basis of previous studies, this paper seeks to further broaden the train of thought and make a modest contribution to the construction of the Chinese music theory system from the perspective of the relationship between Chinese traditional music theory, European music theory, modern music theory and multiculturalism.
1 The basic music theory textbooks from the early twentieth century to the founding of the People's Republic of China
From the literature on modern education (including music education) in China, it can be seen that, in terms of philosophical ideas of music education, it mainly borrowed from Plato and Aristotle in ancient Greece in Europe, as well as Kant’s and Schiller’s aesthetic education ideas in modern Germany (JIN, 2002, p. 334). This active learning and borrowing were based on reflecting on the traditional Chinese education system and ideas, a process of cultural selection based on comparing Chinese and foreign cultures. This essay contends that while the model and curriculum of contemporary Chinese music education are based on the western musicological system, western aesthetic, psychological and pedagogical ideas have been used to influence the values of music education. The implications of ancient Chinese music education concepts have also been combined, adopted, inherited and expanded at the same time. The "borrowing" is manifested in the western aesthetic education theories to seek aesthetics for the implementing of education values. "Inheritance" manifests itself in the continuation of traditional music education values such as "moral edification," "changing customs" and "cultivating temperament. Continuity. The "expansion" of music education, as an important part of the cultivation of "perfect personality", reflects the "humanistic" value of music education.
In modern times, western science and technology, education and culture were introduced to China during the opening of church schools and the process of Chinese students staying in America, Europe and Japan. The Chinese followed the example of Europe, America and Japan in establishing education and schools. Modern Chinese music education began to sprout during this period. Initially, music classes were offered in church schools, and music textbooks were mainly compiled by westerns, such as Di Jiu Lie's "Enlightenment in Music." Still, basic music theory textbooks, compiled by the Chinese, had not yet appeared. It is widely believed that the first textbook of basic music theory compiled by the Chinese was the Textbook of Music Dictionary, translated and supplemented by Zeng Zhifan in 1904. This textbook was written by (English) Ai Baier and translated by (Japanese) Suzuki Mijiro and Zeng Zhifan. It was translated and supplemented according to the original and the translation (LI, 2006, p. 58).
The textbook is divided into five chapters: musical notation, notes, rests, scales, intervals, tones, meters and abbreviations. In the preface of this book, Zeng Zhifan (2008, p. 26) analyzes the characteristics of "singing lessons" in Chinese music education from the perspective of comparing Chinese and western musics and puts forward his views on “[…] the theory of musical improvement”, uniting Chinese modern music education. He argues that Chinese music education in modern times has "[…] little knowledge of the importance of singing" and "[…] little knowledge of the importance of music," and that who truly understands music must first be knowledgeable in basic music theory (ZENG, 2008, p. 29).
In A Century of Chinese Music History 1900-2000, Ju Qihong (2014, p. 435) argues that the Textbook of Music "[…] contains many of the translation terms created and still in use today." As to the use of this book for translation, Sun Ji’nan in A Chronicle of Modern Chinese Music Education 1840-2000, describes the “Textbook of Music for use in Chinese teacher training colleges, middle schools and girls' schools at that time." The evidence to be mentioned for this music theory translation was precisely textbook for a precise time. Liu Xiaojing (2016, p. 32), in "Music Appreciation," argues that the term "new music" was "[…] first found in the preface to the Textbook of Music in 1904, which was compiled and published by Zeng Zhifan, a representative of school music songs." The above scholars' evaluation shows that the Textbook of Music was recognized as the first national compilation of basic music theory. The first appearance of the term "new music" in it. Then it contains the idea of "the parallelism of the four educations." It shows the importance and value of this textbook for modern Chinese music. The importance and value of this textbook for modern Chinese music are evident.
According to the Bibliography of Modern Chinese Music (1840-1949), other basic music theory textbooks of this period include Questions and Answers on Music Theory, edited by Wu Da, and Introduction to Music Theory, edited by Shen Pengnian in 1908, Music Theory, compiled by Li Yiyi in 1909, Textbook of Middle School Music Theory, edited by Zhong Zitong in 1910 and Middle School Music Theory by Tiger Tamura and translated by Xu Chuanlin and Sun Ix in 1908. Ix translated the Textbook of Middle School Music Theory, aesthetics specialist etc. The representative textbooks of basic music theory before the 1920s are shown in Appendix I (WANG, 2006, p. 410).
In the 1920s and 1930s, basic music theory textbooks were translated and written by scholars such as Xiao Youmei, Feng Zikai, Miao Tianrui, Zhu Shudian, Wu Bochao, Ke Zhenghe, Wu Mengfei, Liu Quping, Chen Hong and Ying Shangneng. They appeared one after another. For example, Miao Tianrui edited The Simple Method of Reading, Xu Baoren edited The New School System Primary School Curriculum (Textbook of Music), Xiao Youmei edited The New School System Textbook of Music Theory, General Musicology, Feng Zikai and Qiu Mengcheng's Kaiming Music Teaching Book - Music Theory Ed.
This book is divided into ten chapters, including sound names, music scores, theoretical overviews, tune overviews, tune body overviews, vocal music, instrumental music and musical development overviews. Chapter 1: Tone names, including stem, semitone, branch, standard and yellow bell; Chapter 2: Music score, including notation, types of the music score, notes, rests, beats, intensity terms, speed terms, expression terms, ornamental notation, miscellaneous notation, etc.; Chapters 3 and 4: Intervals and scales; Chapter 5: Introduction to theory, what the study of harmonics is, what the study of advanced music theory is; Chapter 6: Introduction to tunes; Chapter 7: Introduction to Music Styles, which introduces the forms of instrumental and vocal music styles; Chapters 8 and 9: Introduction to the composition and classification of vocal and instrumental music; Chapter 10: Overview of music development, which introduces the music of ancient, medieval, modern and new times by historical periods.
In Chapter 10, Xiao Youmei (1988, p. 31) argues that "[…] the first most thing about music history is which elements are included in music history.” He believes that the elements should include
[…] the organization of scales, the range and construction of musical instruments, the organization of notation and music scores, the organization of music and songs, the changes in music theory, music education institutions and music teaching methods, and the biographies of musicians. (XU, 2002, p. 96).
The Kaiming Music Textbook. Music Theory Editorial is edited by Feng Zikai and Qiu Mengchen (1935, p. 23). The book is divided into four parts based on the 1932 Music Curriculum Standards for Junior High Schools. The first part is about reading music, including the organization of musical notes and scales; the second part is about general knowledge of music, including the meaning of music, the development of music, the classification of music, human voice and vocal music, etc.; the third part is about preliminary harmonics, including intervals, triads and their inversions, seventh harmonics and the application of harmonics; the fourth part is about composing small songs.
In Modern Chinese School Music Education 1840-1949, Wu Yongyi (1999, p. 53) describes the distribution of the content textbook content during the academic year, stating that "[…] the general music theory lessons take up 1/4 or 1/3 of the weekly class time." In this textbook, Feng Zikai (1935, p. 16) explains his understanding of Music in Music and Life and affirms the benefits of good and noble music for the body and mind from functional music, saying that "[…] music is a spiritual food, and its power to influence life is certainly great. ...noble music can submerge the heart and develop a sound personality..." In his book The Development of New Music in Modern China and the Famous People of Zhejiang, Liu Jiandong (2014, p. 162) argues that "[…] the book concentrates on Qiu Mengchen's conception of musicology" and corroborates this view in the context of Qiu's (1999, p. 100) musical philosophy. The representative basic music theory textbooks of this period are shown in Appendix II (LOU, 2008, p. 102).
The development of music theory in China, before the founding of the People's Republic of China, was a process from passive acceptance to active absorption, with the spread of western music theory from missionaries to foreign students, from foreigners to Chinese, and from the court to churches, schools and society. The Chinese music theory gradually deviated from its own track. At the same time, a few musicians have realized the lack of basic Chinese music theory and consciously compared and fused Chinese and western music theory in their writings. But this did not prevent Western music theory from becoming the main or even the core content of the basic Chinese music theory textbooks, which is strongly evidenced by the numerous music theory textbooks after the founding of the PRC. As the study of Chinese music has intensified since the founding of the PRC, Chinese musicians have become increasingly aware of the urgency of writing and constructing basic Chinese music theory textbooks and disciplines (XIAO, 1928, p. 33).
2 The basic music theory textbooks written and published between the founding of the People's Republic of China and the reform and opening up
At the beginning of the founding of New China, China established the development policy of "taking Russia as a teacher" in education, economy, science and technology. China put forward the slogan of "learning wholeheartedly from the Soviet Union," thus beginning to learn from the Soviet Union in terms of educational ideas and concepts, educational models, teaching methods, etc. (SUN, 1951, p. 93). Experience with music education in the Soviet Union. The widespread adoption of "communist pedagogical ideas" and "Marxist aesthetic theory" in music education led to the alienation of its core principles and a gradual departure from the path of aesthetic education. Therefore, many translations appeared during this period, especially the Soviet translation example Qizhang's Basic Theory of Music, by S. Sposobin, Cao Yundi's Fundamentals of Music Theory, Fan Jianqin's Self-Study Guide to Music Theory, etc. (HUANG, 2014, p. 81). These translations played an important role in modern music education in China after the founding of the PRC.
Additionally, China was subjected to a harsh economic and cultural embargo by western capitalist nations during that period of history. The political line of China, shaped by the class struggle, caused China to reflect more of a political character in terms of literature and education (SUN, 2001, p. 9). For example, the 1955 Beijing Reference Materials for Teaching Music in Junior High Schools stipulate that music lessons in secondary schools
[…] should provide students with education in patriotism, internationalism, labour, collectivism, and self-discipline through musical works (mainly songs) of distinctive ideological and artistic character; in other students' dialectical materialist worldview and to cultivate their socialist moral character. Cultivating students' socialist moral qualities and making them fully developed members of socialist society." (ZHANG, 1998, p. 162).
It can be seen that music education at that time was prominent in its political and ideological nature, and the emphasis was on cultivating students with a communist ideological and moral consciousness through music education.
Because of the excessive emphasis on the political instrumental value of the music, music education in this period completely lost its function of aesthetic education and was completely reduced to a political appendage (ZHANG, 2004, p. 91). For example, the criticism of the ancient music education thought in China at that time was a reflection of the conflict between "proletarian thought" and "non-proletarian thought" in the field of the political ideology of China, in the field of music education and in the field of music culture. It was a mechanical copy of the one-sidedness of the theory in the exaggeration of the class and political functions of the ancient music education thought and the denial of the "pleasure of body and mind”, "cultivation of emotion and sex" and "teaching peace through music." The value of aesthetic education, such as "teaching harmony through music”, has turned music education into a tool for political struggle (LIU, 2006, p. 57).
In contrast to the translated foreign basic music theory textbooks, the Chinese wrote their own basic music theory textbooks during this period, which became mainstream. It can be said that such music theory textbooks were created by the times, but there was no shortage of classics.
The most representative basic music theory textbook of this period is Fundamentals of Music Theory, written by Li Chongguang (1962, p. 23) and published by People's Music Publishing House in 1962, which was later reprinted in many editions. The book is structured into 15 chapters, with multiple sections in each chapter covering topics like tones and pitches, metre, notation, general theory of modes, different modes based on the pentatonic scale, intervals, chords, rhythm and metre, tempo and intensity, transposition, alternate modes, etc. An introduction to simple and ruled scores as well as a glossary of musical vocabulary are included in the appendices. This textbook caused great repercussions in academic circles once published. Yang Tongba (2003, p. 56), in his article, "Choice in Practice, Innovation in Practice: The Development of Chinese New Music Theory and its Ideological Inspiration", considered this textbook "[…] the most representative and successful one among the music theory textbooks written and published by China itself." The reason why this textbook has attracted so much attention, apart from the characteristics of the textbook itself, is that this was "the period when basic music theory was most popular and influential, so much so that people consciously and unconsciously made the study of basic music theory an essential initial stage of music learning." In this musical atmosphere, the textbook had a great impact on society.
In the executive summary of this textbook, Li Chongguang (1984, p. 326) states that "[…] this book is a trial textbook of basic music theory for secondary music schools […] suitable for a wide range of professional and amateur musicians." Li Chongguang attaches great importance to the study of basic music theory. In "To Strengthen the Study and Research of Basic Music Theory," he argues that
[…] the depth and breadth of influence on basic music theory are comparable to any other music theory course. (LI, 1984, p. 329). Therefore, the quality of teaching basic music theory is not only a problem for a few professional musicians and amateur music lovers, but it is also a big problem directly related to the music culture education of one billion people.
It can be seen that Li Chong Guang closely related the study and teaching of basic music theory to music culture education. In terms of the means and methods of learning music theory, he argues, in the afterword of the textbook Fundamentals of Music Theory that "[…] learning music theory must be combined with vivid and concrete musical works, and there is little point in reciting many definitions in the abstract apart from vivid and concrete Music. In addition, theory must be combined with aural training..." (LI, 1984, p. 330). In a way, these assertions provide a scientific path for us to learn basic music theory. Representative basic music theory textbooks of this period are shown in Appendix III (JU, 2014, p. 33).
In the more than forty years since its publication, Fundamentals of Music Theory has given full play to its important role in the construction of the discipline of music theory, influencing the musical concepts of several generations of Chinese people and "being a foundational music theory textbook for several generations of Chinese people to enter the hall of music." It should be said that it is the most representative and successful of the music theory textbooks written and published by ourselves in China, and "[…] has been used for the longest time, reprinted the most times, and has had the greatest influence." However, due to the long years of its publication and the fact that it has not been fundamentally changed when it has been reprinted repeatedly since then, Fundamentals of Music Theory fails to incorporate the results of the research on traditional Chinese music theory and modern music theory by scholars at home and abroad in the past 40 years, making it appear too outdated and unable to meet fully the current requirements of music theory teaching.
3 The basic music theory textbooks written and published since the reform and opening up
Since the reform and opening up, the call for building the basic music theory of Chinese folk music has become stronger and stronger, and the main feature of the basic music theory textbooks written and published is the tendency of nationalization, discipline and specialization. Scholars' call for constructing the basic music theory of Chinese folk music carries a strong sense of urgency and mission.
The appeals and efforts of numerous literary and artistic figures, including musicians, were largely responsible for the restoration and establishment of the status of aesthetic education in schooling. Another significant factor was the publication of articles and speeches on the significance of aesthetic education (including music education) in a number of journals and conferences. In order to bring aesthetic education, including music education, to the attention of the state and society, the pioneers in the music industry of China, on the one hand, sought evidence from the history of educational development in ancient and modern China and abroad. It also sought theoretical support from modern Chinese, western aesthetic education theories and ancient Chinese music education ideas. On the other hand, they took the initiative to absorb the latest research results on foreign education, psychology and music aesthetics. They gradually formed. Further, we took the initiative to absorb the latest research results on foreign education, psychology and music aesthetics. We gradually formed a philosophical theory of music aesthetic education, adapted to social and economic development needs. In the Third Symposium on Music Aesthetics held in 1985, Mr. Yao Siyuan (1998, p. 63) presented a paper entitled "Music Aesthetic Education Should Be the Core of Music Education in China's Schools." We also focus on the misconceptions of the Chinese education sector at that time about the value of aesthetic education, such as "moral support," “education” and “entertainment” (MA, 2001, p. 41). The students’ essential and core task of music education is to guide students to perceive, understand, experience, evaluate, discriminate and create through the beauty of music. The most essential and core task of music education is to guide students to perceive, understand, experience, evaluate, discriminate, and create music beauty and enhance their aesthetic ability and literacy.
After the publication of Mr. Yao Siyuan (1998, p. 65)’s series of papers, the view that music education should be “centered on musical aesthetics” has gradually been recognized by the music education community in China. Some scholars have tried to build a philosophical and theoretical framework of music education as “musical aesthetic education.”
The publication of Jiahua Liao’s monograph, Aesthetic Music Education (1993), is a further interpretation and expansion of the theory of “[…] music education with musical aesthetics at its core.” In this monograph, the author was guided by the theory of Marx’s materialist epistemology that “[…] man is also built according to the laws of beauty,” based on music aesthetics and modern aesthetic education theories while absorbing contemporary research results in music psychology and pedagogy, “tasks,” “characteristics,” “principles” and “psychological structure” (LIU, 2016, p. 116). Like music education, Liu (2016, p. 125) pointed out that “[…] music aesthetic education is a kind of educational practice with music as the medium and aesthetics as the core.” The task of music education is to cultivate students’ correct aesthetic beauty, improve their aesthetic ability in music and promote their all-around development in moral, intellectual, physical, aesthetic and labor. The monograph and the author’s 1992 paper, entitled “Philosophical Reflections on Music Education”, are important works in the philosophical study of music education in China during this period (SUN, 2011, p. 22).
Under this call and effort to establish the basic music theory of Chinese folk music, many teaching materials on or among the basic music theory of Chinese folk music have appeared. For example, Basic Music Theory Course, edited by Yan Cheng Nephew, Tong Zhongliang, and Zhong Juncheng (DU, 2005, p. 213); Basic Music Theory of Chinese Folk Music edited by Du Yaxiong (1995, p. 361), Chinese Music Theory etc. These basic music theory textbooks have done preliminary work to explore the basic music theory of Chinese folk music. They have introduced and discussed the basic knowledge of Chinese folk music, such as the eye of the board, the working scale, the rhythm, the event, the house, the tune and the notation (DEREK, 1984, p. 89).
The pentatonic scale, the 12 rhythms and rhythms of Chinese folk music, the eye of the board, board style, work-shape score, the half-character score of Yan music, the score of the zither, the character score of the rhythms and rhythms, the curve score, the character score of the gongs and drums and the general knowledge of mythology are all covered in the eight chapters that make up this textbook. In the preface of the textbook, Du Yaxiong (2005, p. 98) reviewed basic music theory textbooks since modern times, saying that
[…] after the Opium War, Western learning was gradually introduced to the East, and we generally adopted Western European music theory in music education. In modern times, Western basic music theory has occupied the whole Chinese music education system, and some attempts to improve the basic music theory textbooks are not helpful, so it is urgent to write basic music theory for Chinese people. (WANG, 2004, p. 198).
Given that, Wang Zhenya (2004, p. 198) felt that “[…] the practice of replacing Chinese music theory with Western European music theory over the past hundred years should be reviewed.” This book, which supports the Music Theory of Chinese Nationalities, was released. In recent years, this basic music theory textbook has been mixed reviews. Still, one of the more pertinent ones is Guan Jianhua’s statement in Music Curriculum and Teaching Research 1979-2009. Since the 1980s, some scholars in China have been determined to create a basic music theory of Chinese traditional music and gradually construct their music system (MING, 2010, p. 71). A welcome step was taken with the release of Mr. Du Yaxiong’s Basic Music Theory of Chinese Nationalities” (China Literature and Literature Publishing Company, 1995). Representative basic music theory textbooks of this period are shown in Appendix IV (ZHOU, 2004, p. 89).
From the late 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century, with the advent of global integration and the era of information, the exchanges of the world economy, culture, education and ideas have become increasingly frequent. The turnover of educational philosophy, philosophical thinking and aesthetic theory of music can be described as rapidly changing. In terms of the research field of music education philosophical thought, the music education philosophical research of China focuses on two aspects: first, the translation and introduction of foreign music education philosophical thought; second, the selection and construction of contemporary Chinese music education philosophy (TONG, 2003, p. 32).
In terms of foreign philosophical research on music education, the ones that have a significant influence on the music education of China include the “[…] aesthetic philosophy of music education,” “[…] multicultural music education thought” and “[…] philosophy of music education practice.” (LIU, 2006, p. 57).
The introduction of the philosophy and development of multicultural music education in the world has promoted the recognition of multicultural music education among Chinese educators and promoted the process of practicing multicultural music education in Chinese education (DAI; HUANG, 1993, p. 49). As an educational concept, “multicultural music education” believes that the meaning, value and function of music are different in different cultural contexts and that the student’s understanding and evaluation can only be obtained by linking music to the corresponding social and cultural contexts. The music of all ethnic groups in the world has its unique value and should be respected and passed on (ZHANG, 2004, p. 103). Through multicultural music education, we can not only achieve the universality of the music culture of the world but also help to promote mutual understanding and recognition among people from different countries and ethnic groups.
The importance of incorporating multicultural ideals into music education can be seen as having two positive effects on the growth of music education in China. At the theoretical level, it is mainly a reflection on the philosophy and practice of music education in Chinese schools since the modern era. At the Sixth National Seminar on Music Education Reform held in 1996, in response to the fact that the school music education of China has long focused on the European music theory system and neglected the construction of the Chinese national music theory system, it was concluded that there is a tendency to “[…] emphasize the West over the Chinese” in the value orientation of music education, or even to “[…] use the West to negate the Chinese.” (ZHANG, 1987, p. 143). The school music education of China has been in a state of shock. Some scholars in China have proposed the construction of “[…] a music education system with Chinese culture as the mother tongue” (LIU, 2016, p. 231). Actually, the idea and practices of multicultural music education have been progressively included in the teaching of music in schools. In the field of professional music education in China, many music colleges and universities across the country have been offering courses such as “World Music” and “Music Anthropology” to introduce the music of different cultures in the world through professional music education and establish the value of multicultural music education (ZHOU, 2004, p. 68). In the field of basic education, China’s Compulsory Education Music Curriculum Standards, promulgated in 2001, have clearly put forward the curriculum concept of “understanding multiculturalism”. The 2011 edition of the Compulsory Education Music Curriculum Standards has further elaborated the humanistic nature of the music curriculum from the perspective of multiculturalism (DA, 1983, p. 29).
Under the background of diversity, basic music theory textbooks specialized in twentieth-century music. A series of disciplinary basic music theory textbooks for teacher education and preschool education have appeared, such as Tong Zhongliang’s Modern Music Theory Course, You Jingbo’s Basic Music Theory for Popular Music, Xia Zhigang’s Basic Music Theory Course for Early Childhood Teachers, Wang Lixin and Ma Fangming’s Music Theory and Sight Singing for Preschool Education (XU, 2002, p. 32). These basic music theory textbooks provide ideas for the in-depth and extended research of basic music theory. It can be seen that the development of basic music theory textbooks in this period was in the direction of diversification (MING, 2010, p. 16).
The paper is divided into eight chapters about the basic music theory of twentieth-century music, covering the new tonal scales, modern beat and bar liberation, modern chords and harmonies, modern tonality and critical relationships, and music theory about modern compositional techniques. The appendices include a table of MIDI timbres and percussion keys, a table of jazz chord markings, a synthesizer and computer music glossary. While some chapters of the Basic Music Theory Course, written by Tong Zhongliang et al. in 1990 and 2001, dealt with modern music theory, this Modern Music Theory Course goes a step further and deals specifically with basic music theory of the twentieth century. In One of the Complementary Achievements of Music Theory: A Review of Professor Tong Zhongliang’s Modern Music Theory Course, Zhang Jing (2004, p. 29) praised the textbook for
[…] making a common and systematic theoretical summary of the highly individualized new Music of the twentieth century, which makes its contribution more significant because of its difficulty; and then transforming these extensive and specific theoretical issues into a basic course that can directly meet the needs of teaching. This is a breakthrough from scratch.
In Music Theory and Culture, Shi Yong considers the modern music theory textbooks, written by Tong Zhongliang (2003, p. 9) and others, to be “[…] a new requirement for music theory teaching in the era of development” and calls for “[…] the responsibility and obligation of music education in the 21st century to enable every student to learn and grasp contemporary music development with a modern consciousness based on the inheritance of both Chinese and Western traditions.” (YANG, 2003, p. 52). Every student must be able to learn and understand the most recent advances in current music in the twenty-first century, building on the legacy of both Chinese and western traditions and with a modern understanding. Appendix V (DU, 2005, p. 215) lists the representative introductory music theory texts published during this time.
After the reform and opening up, the development of the discipline of basic music theory in China has seen unprecedented flourishing, and many musicologists and music educators have added to the construction of basic music theory in China from different disciplinary perspectives and research horizons. Whether it is traditional music theory, modern music theory, or basic music theory from a cultural perspective, they are all important parts of the disciplinary system of music theory with Chinese characteristics. They all occupy an irreplaceable position. How to integrate them into a whole and build a system is an important question that Chinese music theorists and music educators need to think about at present.
Conclusion
Since the birth of Zeng Zhifan’s translation and supplementation of the Textbook of the Music Canon in 1904, Chinese music scholars have been happy preparing basic music theory textbooks, and many results have been released. These basic music theory textbooks have several characteristics in general:
(1) This paper roughly divides Chinese music philosophical thought into three stages, and the preparation of basic music theory textbooks in each historical stage has its specific historical development characteristics.
(2) The translation of overseas basic music theory textbooks. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the present, translations of basic music theory textbooks have appeared at each stage, and a large number of scholars such as Zeng Zhifan, Miao Tianrui and Feng Zikai have devoted themselves to compiling basic music theory textbooks.
(3) The trend of nationalization of basic music theory textbooks. In the past hundred years, the contents of basic music theory courses and basic music theory textbooks are mainly based on western music theory. The construction of basic music theory of Chinese traditional music became an important issue at the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century.
(4) In recent years, there have been several disciplinary basic music theory textbooks for different majors and levels, such as basic music theory for preschool education, basic music theory for early childhood education, basic music theory for popular music, etc.
(5) The emergence of these nationalized, specialized basic music theory textbooks have greatly contributed to the reconstruction of the basic music theory knowledge system.
From the standpoint of pure music philosophy, this paper contends that traditional music education concept, the origin of Chinese educational philosophy, permeated feudal society at all times and was eventually assimilated with modern western aesthetic education idea. After the establishment of New China, it was, however, diminished and even condemned; nonetheless, after reform and opening up, its cultural values and traditional educational philosophy can be inherited and acknowledged in the present. The main reason is that the idea of music education contains the eternal theme of “humanistic edification” as the value and function of education, which can make education and social development organically integrated, highlight the social function of music education, and thus adapt to the needs of different social development. The historical experience of Chinese music education shows that the construction of philosophical theories of music education should take into account the needs of different socio-economic and cultural development as well as the law of development of music education itself. And blindly copying political or cultural theories instead of music education philosophy will have a great negative impact on the development of music education. In treating Chinese and foreign music education philosophy, reasonable inheritance and borrowing are the only way to develop and innovate music education philosophy. Total rejection of existing theoretical systems or sticking to the old ways will not help the development of music education philosophy.
INVESTIGACIÓN SOBRE EL ESTILO Y LAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LOS LIBROS DE TEXTO DE LA TEORÍA MUSICAL BÁSICA EN CHINA EN LOS ÚLTIMOS CIEN AÑOS
Resumen: Debido a varias razones históricas y realistas, el desarrollo de la teoríeorlsica de la mlsica en China se queda atrátrra cuanto al sistema de enseñanza, el contenido de la enseñanza y otros aspectos. Es una tarea importante para los trabajadores chinos de la misica revisar o complementar la teoríeorteorntar sica actual y los libros de texto relacionados, y luego construir un sistema de disciplina de la teoríeorla teordesica en China. Este artículo sintetiza las teoríeorreorr educacióducacirr las tehistoria de la m sica, la cultura musical, la morfologíorfolog, la otras disciplinas relacionadas, utiliza valores científicos, objetivos y racionales y conceptos holísticos y comprensivos, toma el desarrollo de la educacióducaciedteoríeoracieducacsica de China como objeto de investigaciónvesttoma la historia como espejo para seguir considerando y prospectar la construccióonstrusistema de disciplina de la teoríeorla teordesica de China. Los fundamentos de la mtsica china pueden dividirse, a grandes rasgos, en tres periodos: (1) desde principios del siglo XX hasta la fundacióundacita la blica Popular China; (2) desde ese momento hasta el periodo de reforma y apertura; y (3) desde el periodo de reforma y apertura hasta la actualidad. La teoríeor teord. La teord. evolucionóvoluciond. La teord. Lfundacióundaciond. Lblica Popular China a travéravulun proceso de aceptaciócepasiva y absorcióbsactiva, como puede observarse en el desarrollo de la enseñanza de la teoríeorla teorde la ene lasica china y sus materiales didrcticos. La teoríeor teora teordidiales dpropagórprincipalmente desde el palacio a la iglesia, luego a las escuelas y finalmente a la sociedad. Como resultado, la enseñanza de la teoría musical china evolucionóvprogresivamente hacia un sistema menor mayor como modo dominante, y los fundamentos de la mtsica china se desviaron gradualmente. Tras el establecimiento de la Repiblica Popular China, la investigaciónvestigaciina, lprofundizado, lo que ha beneficiado el crecimiento de la disciplina de la teoríeorla teorbásica, que ahora se dirige hacia la diversificacióiversifprofundidad. El desarrollo de la teoríeorla teorde la teor teor de la tecontado con la ayuda de varios music musicusieducadores musicales de diversos campos académicos y puntos de vista de la investigaciónvestimodelo ideal de la construccióonstruccdisciplina de la teoríeorla teorde la teoconcibe sobre la base del principio de "combinar la historia con la teoríeor la tpeinar el desarrollo de la teoríeorla teordesica en China. Este modelo fomenta la integracióntegraciteoríeorgracirasica tradicional y la teoríeora teorlsica moderna desde una perspectiva diacrónica, refuerza la unidad del padel pal pmundo en la teoríeorla teorsica bcsica desde una perspectiva sincrónica, y presta atenciótenciiaconnotacióonnotacitecnología en su conjunto.
Palabras clave: Teoría musical básica. Libros de texto en China. Estilos y características. Contexto de desarrollo
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DEREK, R. Dictionary of Western Education. Shanghai: Shanghai Translation, 1984.
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DU, Y. X. On the Structural System of Chinese Music Theory. Music Research, n. 3, p. 98-216, 2005.
FENG, Z. K.; QIU, M. H. Enlightened Music Textbook. Theory of Music. Shanghai: Shanghai Kaiming, 1935.
GE, T. Social Change in the Sound Records: Shanghai Recorded Music Industry from the Early 20th Century to 1937. The History Review, v. 6, p. 53-60, 2004.
HUANG, X. P. Building Our Own Basic Music Theory. Musicology in China, n. 4, p. 84-98, 1996.
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Appendix I
Table1 List of representative basic music theory textbooks I (WANG, 2006, p. 410)
|
Names |
Authors |
Publishers |
Publication time |
Main content |
|
Music Textbook |
Written by (Britain) Abel and translated by (Japanese) Suzuki Yonejiro translated and supplemented by Zeng Zhimin |
Shanghai Guangzhi |
July 15, 1904 |
The book was arranged into five chapters, including music scores, notes, rests, junctures, staves, intervals, scales, tones (i.e., int, donation), beats, marks, abbreviations, etc. |
|
Middle School Music Theory Textbook |
Compiled by Zhong Zitong |
Shanghai Music Research Institute |
In 1910 |
The book was divided into 32 lessons, including staves, notations, syllable marks, musical alphabets, and notes. |
|
Middle School Music Classics Textbook |
written by Tamura Toraichi (Japanese) and translated by Xu Chuanlin and Sun Shan et al. |
The Commercial |
April 1907 |
The book was arranged into 18 chapters, including staff notations, clefs, musical alphabets, notes, rests, repeats, beats, and ranges. |
Appendix II
Table II List of representative elementary music theory teaching materials (II) (LOU, 2008, p. 102)
|
Names |
Authors |
Publishers |
Publication time |
Main content |
|
Music Theory Textbook under New Academic System |
Written by Xiao Youmei |
The Commercial |
March 1924 |
This book is divided into six volumes, every witten10 lessons, such as Volume 1, Music Theory Textbook for Junior Middle Schools, which is arranged according to 1-10 lessons, lesson 1: musical alphabets and major scales, lesson 2: sound recognition, including stave, notes and rests, notation, dotted notes, beats, musical terms, and lessons 7-10: major G and major F respectively. |
|
General Musicology |
Written by Xiao Youmei |
The Commercial |
May 1928 |
This book was arranged into ten chapters, including the musical alphabet, music score, theoretical overview, melody introduction, music form introduction, vocal music, instrumental music, the outline of music development, etc. |
|
Preliminary Music |
Written by Feng Zikai |
Beixin |
May 1931 |
This book consists of 20 chapters, including tone and range, scales and melody, notes and rests, beats, musical marks, chromatic scales, harmonic intervals, melody intervals, tempo and other slogans, transposition, grace notes, vocal music, musical instruments, etc. |
|
Enlightened Music Textbook, Theory of Music |
Written by Feng Zikai and Qiu Menghen |
Kaiming |
July 1935 |
This book was arranged into four chapters, compiled according to the Junior Middle School Music Curriculum Standard in 1932, divided into reading music, general knowledge of music, preliminary harmonics and small songs, and the teaching contents were specified according to the academic year. |
|
An Outline of Music Studies |
Written by Ying Shangneng |
The Commercial |
December 1935 |
This book was arranged into 13 chapters, including notation, music score, key signature, grace note, scale, interval, beat, rhythm, dynamics, melody and musical form, vocal music nouns, chords and closing methods, and word interpretation, with exercises. |
|
Teaching Books Of Music Theory in Junior High Schools Method of Reading Music |
Written by Qiu Menghen |
Chunfeng Music Education Bureau |
January 1938 |
This book was divided into 20 lessons, including musical notation, alphabets, notes, rests, beats, dynamics, scales, tone marks, transposition, tempo, and emoticons. |
Appendix III
Table III List of representative elementary music theory teaching materials (III) (JU, 2014, p. 33)
|
Names |
Authors |
Publishers |
Publication time |
Main content |
|
Concise Tutorial of Music Theory |
Written by Sun Congyin |
New Music |
November 1951 |
The whole book was arranged into ten chapters, including musical notation, musical alphabets, notes, rests, beats, semitones, accidentals, key signatures, scales, intervals, various marks, grace notes, vocabulary of music, and so on |
|
Fundamentals of Music Principle |
Li Chongguang |
People’s Music |
October 1962 |
This book was arranged into 15 chapters; each chapter was divided into several sections, including tone and pitch, temperament, notation, general theory of modes, various modes based on the pentatonic scale, intervals, chords, rhythm and beat, tempo and dynamics, transposition and alternating modes, etc. The appendix briefly introduces numbered musical notation and ganache tablature, the common music vocabulary. |
|
Basic Theory of Music |
Written by Sposobin (USSR), translated by Wang Qizhang |
People’s Music |
August 1958 |
This book was arranged into 15 chapters, including some knowledge about sound and pitch, rhythm, beat, tempo, interval, chord, mode, transposition, grace note, phrase, and ellipsis in notation. |
Appendix IV
Table IV List of representative elementary music theory teaching materials (IV) (ZHOU, 2004, p. 89)
|
Names |
Authors |
Publishers |
Publication time |
Main content |
|
Elementary Music Theory Tutorial |
Edited by Yan Chengquan, Tong Zhongliang, and Zhong Juncheng |
People’s Music |
October 1990 |
This book was arranged into 14 chapters, which cover the basic western music theory knowledge and the basic music theory knowledge of Chinese folk music, such as the circle-of-fifths system, twelve toning rules, eighty-four tones, the model of “Zhi” and “Wei,” the common sense of ganache tablature, and so on. |
|
Basic Tutorial of Chinese Traditional Music Theory |
Edited by Tong Zhongliang |
People’s Music |
January 2004 |
This book consists of 9 chapters, including the name of bamboo pitch-pipes used in ancient China, five-tone scale and seven-tone scale, three-tone equal temperament and eight tones, change of keys and eighty-four tones, rhythm and beat, ganache tablature, abbreviated character notation and other tablatures, circle-of-fifths system, and its toning system, bell temperament, temperament for plucked instruments and new temperament (a set of precise proportional numbers to specify the length of each pitch pipe of the twelve-tone equal temperament), etc. |
|
Basic Music Theory of the Chinese Nation |
Edited by Du Yaxiong |
China Federation of Literary and Art Circles |
October 1995 |
It was arranged into ten chapters, including pentatonic scale, twelve-tuning system, banyan, banish (a form of the beat), ganache tablature, a half-character score of Yan music (music score for lute, wind instrument, etc.), scores for plucked instruments, rhythm score, curve score, gongs, and drums score, the common sense of temperament, etc. |
|
Common Sense of Chinese Music Theory |
Edited by Du Yaxiong |
Beiyue Literature & Art |
August 1999 |
This book was arranged into nine chapters, involving sound, tone, rhythm, beat, banyan, ganache tablature, knowledge of temperament, jun, gong, key and relations of key, melody, polyphonic Music, traditional notation, aesthetic features of Chinese traditional Music, the relationship between scores, singing, and performance, etc. |
|
Chinese Music Theory |
Edited by Du Yaxiong, Qin Dexiang |
Shanghai Conservatory of Music |
January 2007 |
This book was arranged into six chapters involving the music system, material system, temperament system, tune system, structure system, and sign system. |
Appendix V
Table V List of representative elementary music theory teaching materials (V) (DU, 2005, p. 215)
|
Names |
Authors |
Publishers |
Publication time |
Main content |
|
Tutorial of Modern Music Theory |
Written by Tong Zhongliang |
Hunan Literature and Art |
In 2003 |
This book was arranged into five chapters, covering the elementary music theory of music in the 20th Century, including the new mode scale, the liberation of modern beat and bar, modern chord and accord, modern tonality and key relationship, and music theory related to modern composition techniques, etc. The appendix includes MIDI timbre and percussion key table, jazz music chord symbolization table, synthesizer and computer music vocabulary, etc. |
|
Basic Music Theory Tutorial for Preschool Teachers |
Written by Xia Zhigang |
Hunan Literature and Art |
May 2013 |
This book, arranged in ten chapters, was introduced in the preface as an elementary music theory textbook for preschool education and preschool teachers’ college students, covering knowledge of sounds and musical alphabets, staff notation, numbered musical notation, rhythm, and beat, common musical signs, intervals, chords, modes, Chinese national modes, melodies, musical forms, etc. According to the characteristics of schools for kindergarten teachers, the structure analysis of common musical forms of children’s songs was added. |
|
Elementary Music Theory of Popular Music |
Edited by You Jingbo |
Anhui Literature and Art |
July 2016 |
This book was arranged into 12 chapters. According to r characteristics of popular music, besides the music theory knowledge of sound, rhythm and beat, interval and mode, it also included chapters on blues mode and its musical characteristics. |
Received: 27/07/2022
Approved: 10/11/2022
Comment on “A Study of the Styles and Characteristics of Basic Music Theory Textbooks in China in the Past 100 Years”
Commented Article: YU, Feng; Zhang, Qiming; THUY, Pham Minh. A study of the styles and characteristics of basic music theory textbooks in China in the past 100 years. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 117- 144, 2023.
YU et. Al (2023) have justified the primary rationale behind the topic. The topic, indeed, is kaleidoscopic. However, with their swift pens and sharp wits, the writers highlight all the significant developments affecting the styles and characteristics of basic music theory in textbooks in China in the past 100 years. Massive material had to be sifted and scanned because of the enormity of the work, which spans over a century. The advancement of fundamental music theory in China trails behind us in teaching methodology, materials and other areas for various historical and practical reasons. Updating or adding to the current basic music theory and associated textbooks, followed by establishing a discipline system for basic music theory in China, is crucial for Chinese musicians. The development of the primary music theory education of China is the research object. History is used as a mirror to consider further and anticipate the development of the basic music theory discipline system of China.
This paper synthesizes the theories of music education and history, music culture, music morphology and other related disciplines. It also uses scientific, objective and rational values, besides holistic and comprehensive concepts. The fundamentals of Chinese music may be loosely split into three periods: (1) from the turn of the 20th century to the foundation of the People’s Republic of China; (2) from that time until the period of reform and opening up; and (3) from the period of reform and opening up to the present. The growth of western music theory in China, before the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, was a transition from passive acceptance to active absorption, as observed from the evolution of the primary theory education of Chinese music and its educational materials. In China, music theory education gradually evolved into a central, minor system as the dominant mode, and the fundamental theory of Chinese music slowly veered off its course as a result of the spread of western music theory from the palace to the church, then to the school and, eventually, to society.
The development of fundamental music theory, which is presently moving toward diversity and depth, has profited from the increased depth of music study that has followed the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The advancement of fundamental music theory in China has been made possible by a large community of musicologists, educators and researchers from a range of academic disciplines and research perspectives. The concept of “combining history with the theory” and an examination of the advancement of fundamental music theory in China serve as the foundation for the ideal model of Chinese music theory discipline building. This model encourages the assimilation of traditional and modern music theory from a dialectical point of view, strengthens the unity of the country and the world in basic music theory from a synchronic perspective, and pays attention to the connotation of technology.
A royal tomb from 433 B.C. was discovered in Hubei Province, China, in 1978 by archaeologists working there. Among the twenty musical instruments is a collection of 65 bronze bells supported by wood. The two unique pitches of each almond-shaped bell depend on where it is struck. They are excellent for complementing vocals and other instruments because of their low inharmonicity and quick self-damping (BAGLEY, 2005, p. 54). Twelve different pitches per octave can be found in the middle registers. The pitches roughly divide the scale in half. Without specifically fitting any traditional European tuning system, pairs of pitches separated by 3, 4, or 7 units create consonant intervals (LEHR, 1988, p. 144).
Each strike point contains a gold-inlaid inscription that identifies its set pitch. This inscription is buried into the tip of the strike point. The four root labels, that are identical duplicates of their current pentatonic counterparts, are Gong (number 1), Shang (number 2), Zhi (number 4) and Yu (number 5). The fifth modern label (number 3) does present; however, it does not precisely correspond to the other root positioned four units above the gong. This is even though it also appears. These very roots are then translated upward by an additional four units using a second suffix called Zeng, which results in the production of labels for the final four chromatic pitch classes. The generation of the same system by the cross-product of four roots and three suffixes is isomorphic with the formation of the chromatic system through the transpositional combination of an all-combinatorial [0257] tetrachord with an [048] augmented triad. Both processes result in the generation of the same system (COHN, 1998, p. 4).
The inscriptions provide a list of many relevant uses according to each pitch. The surfaces of the larger bells indicate a range of pentatonic functions for both of its constituent tones and, in places where there is sufficient capacity for writing, these functions are displayed. Isomorphic to those inscriptions would be the Western concept that, for example, the E bell functions as 1 of the E scale, 2 of the D scale, 3 of the C scale, 4 of the A scale and 5 of the G scale (where the scales are pentatonic). An identical range of pentatonic functions was utilized, as indicated by the inscriptions on a set of 41 chime stones found in the tomb. These stones also span from twelve to an octave (LYNCH, 2018, p. 290).
In the years 1979 and 1980, Yuan-Yuan Lee (1979, p. 16; 1980, p. 41) had two articles in the Chinese Music magazine, a publication of the Chinese Music Society of North America. After that, I read about the Zeng bells in a metallurgical journal and an archaeological monograph. These two resources both gave me information (VON, 1993; CHEN et al., 1994). I had the honor of being asked to speak in a plenary session at the annual meeting of the Society for Music Theory in 1997. I grabbed what I thought was a really large stick. I waved it around in an obnoxious manner in an effort to draw some attention because I had properly anticipated that this would be the greatest live audience I would ever have the opportunity to address. This is what I meant when I said that such a finding might arouse a level of curiosity that is comparable to that of a community of what it says about our discipline. I waited patiently for a response. My home field, on the other hand, remained to hibernate even after my bell immediately self-damped itself.
Bagley (2005, p. 58) employs lovely language when he compares the inscriptions to “[…] a book about musical scales with a demonstration CD hidden inside the back cover.” As a result, they “[…] represent the earliest works on music theory that are currently known from China” (p. 41). The inscriptions reveal that Zeng theorists were fascinated by the chromatic universe as a repository for twelve (theoretically) evenly spaced transpositions of the pentatonic scale, each composed of distinctive pitches with apparent purposes. To a contemporary music theorist who has studied Western music, this last line comes so naturally that it takes effort to recognize the seething mass of ideas that it compresses, the majority of which are separate from one another. Bagley achieves this by decomposing the claim into, in my opinion, seven sub-claims: specific pitches that are (1) uniformly distributed across a range of (2) octave-equivalent pitches that constitute twelve pitch classes, (3) co-related via transposition and (4) well-defined functions with regard to twelve different pentatonic scales (72). Nothing about these things should be taken for granted because musical systems are a gift from nature (NOWACKI, 2020).
Bagley positions the Zeng bells as the flashy apex of a 1,500-year-old bell-forging civilization. The method of the pointed ellipse was already invented by 2,000 BC. Early bells were crafted one at a time for utilitarian purposes like alarming or herding livestock. No later as 1100 BC, single bells were first gathered to court “from the field” to anchor the tune of vocal and instrumental ensembles. Eventually, tiny musical consorts that were aesthetically jumbled but acoustically matched to one another emerged. One consort from the 11th century B.C. filled a half-octave chromatically, suggesting an early standardisation of the chromatic reservoir. Assuming that the documentary evidence from the fifth century B.C. also applies to bell consorts, some of the priorities that might have guided the matching of bell frequencies to form pentatonic scales six centuries earlier include the maximization of acoustic symmetries as well as the transposability by substitution of a single bell one unit away, as in the case of “CDEGA” => “CDFGA” => “CDFGBb.” Bagley shows that pentatonic modulations would not have been possible, at least not for the chime stones, in the middle of a composition, which is consistent with the idea that they were not likely to have occurred. One can assume that each bell acting as the gong of one of the twelve different pentatonic transpositions reflected a range of cosmological, political, or societal factors.
Bagley (2005, 2015) claims that the fixed-pitch properties of the bells lead to the 12-tone chromatic reservoir closing. There is no incentive to constrict the pitch universe and bring it full circle, unlike the Mesopotamian harp, which has seven diatonically tuned pitches and can achieve the same chain of fifth-related transpositions by slowly returning individual strings (RAHN, 2022, p. 15). A more intricate connection may be made with the Greek system of tonoi, which was first described a century after the Zeng bells were buried and permits at least twelve possible transpositions that are close to their original position (HAGEL, 2009, p. 44). The increased centralization of the aulos, according to Andrew Barker (1987, p. 107; 1989/2, p. 26), may have prompted the development of this strategy. Although the pitches of the aulos are fixed like bells, they can be slightly changed by partial-hole fingering, embouchure, air pressure, and mechanical attachments (HAGEL, 2009, p. 337). The majority of the historical evidence for these systems, which is intermittent and constructed more than 500 years after the fact, as well as iconography and poorly preserved musical instruments, only provide indirect information about these systems. [ii] The aural and written evidence of the Zeng bells, on the other hand, is beyond dispute.
Chinese music researchers have enjoyed creating fundamental music theory textbooks, and numerous results have been published since Zeng Zhifan’s interpretation and augmentation of the Textbook of the Music Canon in 1904. These fundamental texts on music theory share a number of features in common: (1) this paper broadly separates Chinese music philosophical thinking into three stages, with each historical stage having its own unique historical development features in terms of the construction of basic music theory textbooks. (2) The translations of books on fundamental music theory from abroad. Basic music theory textbooks have been translated at every stage from the beginning of the 20th century to the present. Many academics, such Zeng Zhifan, Miao Tianrui and Feng Zikai, have dedicated their careers to creating basic music theory textbooks. (3) The tendency for basic music theory textbooks to be nationalized.
The construction of basic music theory for Chinese traditional music became a significant concern at the end of the twentieth century and the start of the twenty-first century. Western music theory has been the main subject of foundational music theory courses and fundamental music theory textbooks for the past century. (4) A number of discipline-specific basic music theory textbooks for various majors and levels have recently been published, including basic music theory for preschool and early childhood education, basic music theory for popular music, and others. (5) The establishment of these disciplined, nationalized systems. Specialized basic music theory textbooks have made a significant contribution to the revival of the core knowledge base of the field.
This paper argues that traditional music education notion, the ancestor of Chinese educational philosophy, pervaded feudal society at all periods and was ultimately merged with contemporary western aesthetic education idea. This argument is made from the position of pure music philosophy. However, it was diminished and even denounced after the founding of New China; yet, with liberalization, its cultural values and conventional educational philosophy can be preserved and recognized in the present. The primary reason is that the concept of music education incorporates the timeless idea of “humanistic edification” as the purpose and value of education. This can help to organically integrate education and social development, highlight the social meaning of music education and allow it to adjust to the demands of various social development.
The result of music education will be significantly harmed by blindly adopting political or cultural theories in place of music education philosophy, according to the historical experience of Chinese music education, which demonstrates that the development of philosophical ideas of music education could perhaps take into consideration the needs of various socioeconomic and cultural development as well as the law of music education development itself. The only approach to improving and creating a music education philosophy, regarding Chinese and foreign music, is through good inheritance and borrowing. The advancement of music education philosophy will not be aided by completely rejecting preexisting theoretical frameworks or by adhering to conventional practices.
References
BAGLEY, R. The Prehistory of Chinese Music Theory. Proceedings of the British Academy, v. 131, p. 41-90, 2005.
BAGLEY, R. Ancient Chinese Bells and the Origins of the Chromatic Scale. Zhejiang University Journal of Art and Archaeology, v. 2, p. 57-81, 2015.
BARKER, A. Text and Sense at Philebus 56a. Classical Quarterly, v. 37, n. 1, p. 103-109, 1987.
BARKER, A. Greek Musical Writings. V. 2: Harmonic and Acoustic Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
CHEN, C. Y. et al. (ed.). Two-Tone Set-Bells of Marquis Yi. Singapore: World Scientific. 1994.
COHN, R. Music Theory’s New Pedagogability. Music Theory Online, v. 4, n. 2, p. 4-6, 1998.
HAGEL, S. Ancient Greek Music: A New Technical History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
LEE, Y. Y. An Amazing Discovery in Chinese Music. Chinese Music, v. 2, n. 2, p. 16-17, 1979.
LEE, Y. Y. The Music of the Zenghou Zhong. Chinese Music, v. 3, n. 1, p. 3-15, 1980.
LEHR, A. The Tuning of the Bells of Marquis Yi. Acustica, v. 67, n. 2, p. 144-148, 1998.
LYNCH, T. Without Timotheus, Much of our Melopoiia would not exist; but without Phrynis, there wouldn’t have been Timotheus’: Pherecrates’ twelve strings, the Strobilos and the Harmonic Paranomia of the New Music. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, v. 6, n. 2, p. 290-327, 2018.
NOWACKI, E. Greek and Latin Music Theory. Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2020.
RAHN, J. Was Mesopotamian Tuning Diatonic? A Parsimonious Answer. Music Theory Online, v. 28, n. 1, p. 15-17, 2022.
VON, F. L. Suspended Music: Chime-Bells in the Culture of Bronze-Age China. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993.
YU, Feng; Zhang, Qiming; THUY, Pham Minh. A study of the styles and characteristics of basic music theory textbooks in China in the past 100 years. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 117- 144, 2023.
Received: 22/11/2022
Approved: 10/12/2022
A Study on the Ancient theater of official house in The Taihang mountain area of North Henan Province in China[18]
Abstract: As a particular type of ancient Chinese theater, talented theater of official house was mainly found in the Taihang Mountain area, in North Henan Province, which was formed in the middle of the Qing Dynasty. The appearance of it is related to the local natural environment, folk culture and agricultural productivity. Through field investigation, it is found that there are eight existing theaters in the Taihang Mountain area of North Henan Province; among which three ones are newly discovered that have not been documented by the academic circle before, as well as several traditional Chinese opera steles and wall inscriptions. This is the first time the academic circle discloses relevant data and information. These provide physical evidence the performance of the village opera in the Taihang Mountain area of the Qing Dynasty, in China. Especially the inscriptions on the steles and the stage wall can reflect some features of the local opera performance since the Qing Dynasty, such as the type, time, troupe, and so on. To some extent, the richness of these ancient theaters of official house, with the architectural styles of ancient Chinese opera, has a significant value related to historical material and cultural relics. The first-hand data obtained in the investigation will also provide the latest research materials on ancient Chinese opera and theater architecture.
Keywords: Official house. Ancient theater. Ancient opera. Folk belief.
INTRODUCTION
An ancient theater of official house is a place for folk opera performances in the Taihang Mountain area. It is mainly distributed in the Taihang Mountain area of the Zhanghe River Basin, in North Henan Province, and the junction of Henan, Hebei and Shanxi provinces. The official theater, named after the "official house," consists of the official house, the stage and the auditorium (formerly known as the "pool"). The local people build the official house to invite gods to "sit down" to see the opera performance. It is usually empty.
Typically, brick-wood or brick-stone houses make up the official residence. They are constructed on stone foundations, which range in height from 0.1 to 0.8 metres. The house often uses a three - or five - couplet gallery and veranda structure. There are passageways set into the front eaves, and the depth is roughly 1 metre. The main door is in the middle, and there are symmetrical windows on either side. Plaques and couplets are absent. The area is rectangular and has three open-concept rooms on the surface. The front of the platform serves as the site of worship, with a shrine built up against the gable to house statues. The theater building in the front of the official house is generally of brick and wood structure, hard-gable-type, or hanging-gable-type building. The foundation of the platform is at the same level as the office building from 10 to 30 meters of the area for ordinary audiences to watch the opera between the theater and the official house. Because of the low-lying terrain between the officials and the theater building, it was called a "pool" in the Qing Dynasty. In the collection of Xiaojuanyou Pavilion, written by Bao Shichen (1991, p. 3) of the Qing Dynasty, the performing theater in the Qing Dynasty is recorded as "[...] the place is built in the middle of the stage, the flat ground in front of the platform is famous for the pool, and the opposite platform is the hall [...]". It is an architectural pattern. The scientific name of the official house opposite the theater should be the hall, a common folk name.
Since the ancient theater of official house is a place to worship gods and perform operas, the academic circle has always regarded it as a temple theater in the past, without a special in-depth investigation and study. Although in the 1980s and 1990s, Henan made a concerted effort to investigate and publish Records of Chinese Opera and Records of Anyang Opera, they did not mention the particular type of temple theater (YANG, 1992, p. 151). Che Wenming (2013, p. 4), a famous expert on theater research in China, also ignores the important type of "ancient theater of official house" when discussing the types of ancient Chinese theater. Yang Jianmin (1992, p. 145-160) made a preliminary record of the ancient theater of official house in Anyang County. However, there is no comprehensive investigations and in-depth study on this type of theater, not to mention its position and value in the history of ancient Chinese theater. Even some of the theaters recorded by him are no longer in existence.
Firstly, the difference between the official house theater and the temple theater is that an official house is a temporary place of sacrifice. They are used for opera performance to worship the gods in only a few days and are empty or for sundries at other times. Therefore, they are called "Empty God Hall": houses without the gods. Secondly, the official house is a space shared by the gods, not belonging to a particular God. The immortals have their temples and are invited to this place only during the drama performance. Thirdly, the official house is a public asset of the village, that is jointly owned and administered by the town. Since the official house theater is a specific kind of ancient theater, which one is unique in the Taihang Mountain region of North Henan Province, it differs from the temple in this way.
Based on the above understanding, from July to August 2019, the research groups "Investigation and Research of Ancient Theater in Central Plains" and "Chinese Opera in the Context of Temple Culture in Central Plains" made a comprehensive investigation and study of the ancient theater of official house in the Taihang Mountain area of North Henan Province. This is the first thorough investigation and research on the ancient theater of official house by Chinese academic circles. It has found the distribution law of three previous unrecorded theaters, several opera steles and wall inscriptions. All the data and information were measured and verified by the authors and members of the research groups. Based on the first-hand information obtained from the investigation and the previous research, this article discusses the ancient theater of official house, as well as its performance detail, and devoted to provide the latest data information for research in this field.
1 NAME OF OFFICIAL HOUSE AND ITS ORIGIN
To study the ancient theater of official house, we first clarify the origin of its name. The word "Guanfang (官房, Official House)" was first found in the Northern Song Dynasty. He Zhu (2008, p. 548), a famous poet in the Northern Song Dynasty, once wrote: "I used to live in an official house. I always admire Zhong Mu. There is no place for horses in the mountains, but there are cattle fields in the mountains".
He Zhu was born in an official house. Hezhu'shu Biography in the History of the Song Dynasty records that "He Zhu is a native of Weizhou and the grandson of empress Xiaoh." (TUO, 1985, p. 13103). It can be seen that He Zhu was a royal relative. He lived in the house provided by the government since he was a child, calling himself the "official house". It is worth noting that Weizhou (now Xinxiang, Hebi, Henan Province) refers to the South Taihang area where official houses are ubiquitous. It shows that the name "Guanfang (Official House)" has existed since the Northern Song Dynasty. In the "Records of Si Ming" in the Song Dynasty, it is written "distribute Haozhai official houses before the barrack":
East Corridor: three official houses, one Xuan house, one official cabin, one department room, one teaching room, one teaching headroom, one golden drum teaching room, and one miscellaneous office room were allocated. (WU; MEI, 1990, p. 5998).
The "barrack" refers to the army. In the Song Dynasty, the government provided the military, and the government built and appropriated the officer's housing. The "official house" here has two meanings: one refers to the officer's house; the other refers to the house is officially owned. After the Song Dynasty, the term "official house" was used by later generations. According to the fourth volume of "Tongzhi Tiaoge" in the Yuan Dynasty:
In October of the 19th year of the Zhiyuan's reign (1282 A.D.), there was a clause in the imperial edict saying: according to the imperial decree issued in the 1st year of the Zhongtong's reign (1260 A.D.), those who were widow, lonely, old, weak, disabled, and unable to survive by themselves, should be supported by the government. It still ordered each place to set up a nursing house. If there were official houses, they would be used to build the nursing house. If there was no official house, the nursing house should be made by the government and adopted exclusively. (BAI, 1986, p. 56).
The "official house" here refers to the house invested in and owned by the government. The meaning is the same as that of the Song Dynasty. According to the "Records of Zhaozhou County" in the Ming Dynasty:
GuanZhai, a of sections, Likou was in 50 Li of the County West, led to the county boundary of Leping, Shanxi province. Baichengkou was 50 Li northwest of the county, with Yuanshi County in the East, Pingding City in the west, and Jingxingkou in the north. The critical point was to build three stone cities and one official house. (CAI, 1962, p. 118).
The second volume of the "Rules and Regulations of Punishment Continued by the Imperial Military Department" in the Qing Dynasty states that:
The bodyguards of the Qianqing gate in front of the imperial palace were awarded 30 rooms in Chen's residence. The minister in charge of the imperial guards planned to send two members to serve as the guards' battalion commander. No idle people were allowed to live. They would be punished if they did not live as requested by the official house. (B.O., 1893, p. 7).
The above are the records of official houses in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The meaning of "official house" has always been evident in ancient times since referring to the house owned by the government, as opposed to a private house. The "official house" mentioned in the "Records of Zhaozhou County" deserves attention. Since Zhaozhou County was located in the Taihang Mountainous area, passes were set up at the "key places" of Taihang Mountain in the Ming dynasty. Official houses were built for soldiers guarding such passes. All ordinary people in the Taihang Mountain area needed to pass through the official house, so they were familiar with it. It is the reason why the term "official house" is popular in the Taihang Mountain area.
It should be noted that the "official house" stated in historical texts refers to the residence held by the government. In contrast, the residence referenced by villagers is the public house that the village collectively owns. Due to their identical meanings as non-private real estate, the people refer to the village public housing as "official house." The main house in the village was referred to as the official house by the residents, who appropriated this title. In the Taihang Mountain area, building official houses to sacrifice the gods and perform operas is unnecessary. There is a simpler and easier way to build a "viewing shed": made of bamboo, wood, and fabric, commonly known as "Shenpen.". During the play, people bring the statue tablet to the shed and remove it afterward. The advantages of the canopy are low-cost, simple and easy to operate, and the disadvantage is that it is not resistant to wind and rain. If it is windy and rainy, it will affect the ceremony. In the 13th year of the Yongzheng's reign of the Qing Dynasty (1735 A.D.), the "Reconstruction of the Theater" in Jitan Town, Deng County, Nanyang City, said:
The palace was built in the year of Emperor Yongzheng and completed in August. Each value of playing truss wood for the platform, there was no shelter in windy and rainy weather. Although the music and dance performance were still going on, the clothes, costumes and movements of the opera performance were disrupted. It seemed blasphemous to the gods. (CULTURE BUREAU OF DENG COUNTY, 1987, p. 396).
In the 28th year of the Qianlong's reign of the Qing Dynasty (1763 A.D.), the "Inscription on the Renovation of the Theater" in Xujia Village, Xin'an County, Luoyang City, said:
In Xin'an County, there is Xujia village at 30 kilometers to the north, a kiln temple in the west, and three theater buildings in front of the temple. On the day of prayer, the stage of the theater was blocked by wind and rain. It was a pity for the village that there was no way to please the gods or follow people's wishes. (CULTURE BUREAU OF XIN'AN COUNTY, 1987, p. 93).
There is no favorable weather in Shenxi (divine opera performance for gods), which is a severe event in the eyes of the ancients and should be taken seriously. It may be the reason that the villagers in the Taihang Mountain area, built the ancient theater of official house to use. With so many temples around the village, why do people not build a temple theater there? It is because of the local physical and geographical conditions and economic conditions. Most of the temples in the Taihang Mountain area are located in the mountains around the villages. The mountains are high, the forest is dense and the transportation is inconvenient. The cost of building the temple theater is very high, and the problems of artists' food, housing and transportation are not easy to solve. The villages in the Taihang Mountain area are small in scale and population, and poor in economic conditions, so they cannot build theaters for all the temples. In the long-term practice, the local tradition of performing opera in the official house gradually came into being.
The official house theater of the village was constructed, and its purpose changed from "[…] sending the opera for gods up the mountain" to "[…] inviting the gods to go down the mountain," The gods were invited to attend an opera being performed in the village, which helped them to overcome the difficulty of human climbing and preserve human, material and financial resources. Judging from the extant inscriptions of operas, the ancient theater of official house has been famous since the Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty. The following is a statistical table of the construction time of official houses and theaters in the existing local inscriptions.
Table 1 - Statistics of construction time of the ancient theater of official house in North Henan
|
Theater location |
Inscription name |
Creation and repair time |
Origin of the inscription |
Remarks |
|
Dongshui Village, Duli Town, Anyang County |
The stele inscription of the renovation of official house |
The 42nd year of the Qianlong's reign (1777 A.D.) |
Yang Anmin. Records of Opera in Anyang City. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House, 1992, p. 233. |
The stele of rebuilding the official house dates to the 11th year of Daoguang. There is a record in the inscription that "the official house was repaired in the 42nd year of Qianlong's reign, and it is not far from this year." |
|
East Ma'an village, Heshun Town, Linzhou City |
The stele inscription of the renovation of official house |
The 49th year of the Qianlong's reign (1784 A.D.) |
The stele is now embedded in the west wall of the courtyard of the East Ma'an Village Committee. |
The stele of rebuilding the official house was inscribed in 1796 in the first year of Jiaqing of the Qing Dynasty. The inscription says that "in the 49th year of Qianlong's reign, Li Fude, a good man of the village, and all villagers worked together to build a new official house." |
|
Jiaoling Village, Tongye Town, Anyang County |
The stele of the renovation of official house |
June 15, the 9th year of the Yongzheng's reign (1731 A.D.) |
The stele is now in Jiaoling Village |
The original stele has no title; the inscription is the list of donors who rebuilt the official house in the 9th year of Yongzheng's reign. |
|
East Lingxi Village, Duli Town, Anyang County |
The stele inscription of the renovation of official house and the construction of theater |
May 26, the 14th year of the Guangxu's reign (1888 A.D.) |
The stele is now embedded in the gable on the north side of the theater in East Lingxi Village |
The inscriptions are embedded in the wall, and some of the inscriptions are covered, but the information of time is clearly marked. |
|
Lingxi Village, Shayao Town, Huixian County |
The stele inscription of the construction of temple and theater |
4th year of the Republic of China (1915 A.D.) |
The stele is now standing under the gallery of Lingxi Village |
The original stele has no title, and the contents are the process of building official houses and theaters and the list of donors |
Data source: The table is made by the authors based on the information obtained from the field investigation and the research results of Yang Anmin (1992, p. 233).
The table shows that the ancient theater of official house mainly appeared in the late Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty. In the year of 1790, to celebrate Qianlong Emperor's birthday, the rulers of the Qing Dynasty changed the situation of suppressing folk opera and called Hui troupes to Beijing. This event marked the rise of local opera in the Qing Dynasty. Still, it also shows that the folk opera in the Qing Dynasty had been prosperous in the late Qianlong period, with the strength of confrontation with "Yabu" Kung Opera. The theater of official house began to appear in the Taihang Mountain area at this time, which shows that local folk drama activities were pretty active. Many opera performances put higher requirements for performance places, prompting people to donate money to build more solid performing places to improve performance conditions.
2 EXISTING ANCIENT THEATER OF OFFICIAL HOUSE IN NORTH HENAN
Up to now (2019 A.D.), there have been eight ancient theaters of official house in North Henan. Among them, three are well preserved; three are remaining theaters, but the official houses have been destroyed; two are remaining official houses, but the theaters has been destroyed. The following is a brief introduction to the eight theaters.
Table 2 - Statistics of the existing ancient theater of official house in North Henan
|
Theater location |
Age of Construction |
Preservation status |
Official house data |
Theater data |
|
East Lingxi Village, Duli Town, Anyang County |
The 14th year of the Tongzhi's reign (1871 A.D.) |
Well preserved |
The surface width is 9.10m. The depth is 5.08m. The height is 5.41m. |
The surface width is 6.73m. The height of the platform mouth is 2.94m. The height of the platform base is 1.44m, and the depth of the front stage is 3.85m. The depth backstage is 2.81m. |
|
Nanyangcheng Village, Duli Town, Anyang County |
Unknown |
The theater has been destroyed, and the official house is in excellent condition. |
The surface width is 8.46m. The depth is 7.40m. The height is 5.86m. |
|
|
Dongshui Village, Duli Town, Anyang County |
The 11th year of the Daoguang's reign (1831 A.D.) |
The theater has been destroyed, and the official house is in excellent condition. |
The surface width is 10.60m. The depth is 5.92m. The height is 5.50m. |
|
|
Jiaoling Village, Tongye Town, Anyang County |
The 9th year of the Yongzheng's reign (1731 A.D.) |
The official house has been destroyed, and the theater is in excellent condition. |
|
The surface width is 7.07m. The height of the platform mouth is 2.88m, the size of the platform base is 0.99m, and the depth of the front stages is 3.93m. The depth backstage is 3.11m. |
|
Yanghe Village, Wulong Town, Linzhou City |
Unknown |
Well preserved |
The surface width is 8.20m. The depth is 5.20m. The height is 5.20m. |
The surface width is 7.29m. The height of the platform mouth is 2.96m, the size of the platform base is 1.56m, and the depth of the stage is 7.13m. |
|
Dongma'an Village, Heshun Town, Linzhou City |
The 1st year of the Jiaqing's reign (1796 A.D.) |
The official house has been destroyed, and the theater is in excellent condition. |
|
The surface width is 6.69m. The height of the platform mouth is 2.89m. The height of the platform base is 1.43m, and the depth of the front stage is 3.91m. The depth backstage is 2.80m. |
|
Lingxi Village, Shayao Town, Huixian County |
The 4th year of the Republic of China (1915 A.D.) |
Well preserved |
The surface width is 8.74 m. The depth is 5.50m. The height is 5.430m. |
The surface width is 6.74m. The height of the platform base is 1.49m, and the size of the platform mouth is 2.66m. The depth of the front stage is 4.66m. Backstage depth: 2.20m. |
|
North Dongpo Village, Nancun Town, Huixian County |
Unknown |
The official house has been destroyed, and the theater is in excellent condition. |
|
The surface width is 7.383m. The height of the platform base is 1.495m. The entrance height is 2.540m, and the depth of the front stage is 3.551m. The depth backstage is 1.751m. |
Data source: The authors make the table based on the information obtained from the field investigation. And all data were personally measured and verified by the authors.
Among the eight theaters mentioned above, six are in Anyang. Anyang is a place with many ancient theaters of official houses. Although Huixian County is under the jurisdiction of Xinxiang City, Henan Province, it is geographically closer to Shanxi Province and belongs to the Taihang Mountains area, so there is a small distribution in the territory. From the architectural form, the surface width of the official house is between 8-10m, with a depth of 5-7m and a height of 5m; the surface width of the theater is about 6-7m, with the size of the platform base of 1.4m, the size the entrance of 2.5-2.9m, the depth of the front-stage of 3.5-4m, and the depth of the backstage of 1.7-3m. This article is to introduce the well preserved theaters and their great academic value as follows.
2.1 Official House Theater of East Lingxi Village, Duli Town
The northernmost point of Henan Province is East Lingxi Village, which is situated on the south bank of the Zhanghe River. Tianjiazui Village in Shexian County, Hebei Province, is located across the river, and the ancient theater of official house is located at the entrance of the village. The official house is constructed on a 0.4-meter-high stone platform with a hard top made of brick and wood, facing west. Under the front eaves, two wooden eaves columns support the architrave. The corridor under the eaves is 1 meter deep, and the indoor area is 36 square meters. The altar is the same wide as the room, with a depth of 1 m, a height of 1.5 m, and a statue on top. In front of the platform is the worship area, covering an area of 27 square meters. The theater building is directly opposite the official house, about 10 meters away from it, facing east from the west, and backed by the Zhanghe River. It is a brick wood structure with a gable in front and a hard gable behind it. The roof is covered with grey tiles, and there are no ornaments like the tail and ridge beast on the ridge. The platform foundation is made of Qingtiao stone in the Taihang Mountain area. It is 1.44 meters high and firm. The beam frame structure consists of five beams, and the front stage is supported by four wooden eaves pillars and a drum-shaped mirror foundation.
On the north wall of the theater is a "Stele Inscription of the Construction of the Theater in East Lingxi Village, Anyang County", in the 10th year of Tongzhi's reign. It records the process of building an ancient theater of official houses in the Qing Dynasty, which is precious. It is at this moment collated and transcribed as follows:
Today, the foundation of the theater building in East Lingxi Village has been built for years. It has not been made into a stone wall but a towering building. When people pray for the autumn harvest in spring, or there are strong wind and rain, the divine opera cannot be performed, and people's reverence is depressed. In the village, Han Yongqi and Wang Yi were filled with emotion. They were kind-hearted and prepared to invite the public to discuss. They donated money according to the acre of land and paid wages by the door. If there was divine help, Jue Gong would succeed quickly. On the day of the completion of construction, the villagers asked me to engrave stones on its composition. The poem said: "the building is as high as an eagle flies and as colorful as sunshine, to pray for favorable weather and village protection" Han Yongqi and Wang Yi, the leaders of the community (The following are donations from the stewards and from She County, Cizhou County and Lin County, and the names of craftsmen were omitted).
March 20, Xinwei, 10th year of Tongzhi's Reign in the Qing Dynasty
With a total of 220, 200 Wen spent.
All village public opinion: Official land should not be used to sell rice and gamble. If anyone refuses to accept, he will be sent to the government for investigation and punishment. (YANG, 1992, p. 151).
According to the inscription, this ancient theater of official house, in East Lingxi Village, was built in the Tongzhi period of the Qing Dynasty. There once was a theater in the local area, but it collapsed only because of age and was rebuilt on the original site in the 10th year of Tongzhi's reign. The purpose of building the theater is evident in the inscriptions. Local people were worried that the gods would be offended if the divine drama could not be performed regularly because of strong wind and rain, so they spared no effort to rebuild the theater. The completion of the theater has reduced the villagers' anxiety of belief and enhanced the public's confidence. Local people believe that this will not only bring happiness to the gods but also will bring harvest and good luck to the community.
According to the inscription, the local societies played a decisive role in the construction of the theater. Han Yongqi and Wang Yi, who initiated this move, were the "leaders" of the community. Only by using the power of faith can the villagers' organizations be mobilized to complete this large project. The inscription records that the cost of building the theater is apportioned according to the acre of land per household. In addition to apportioning money and food, they have to provide volunteer work. As the villagers built the ancient theater, the property and use rights belonged to the collective of the village. The village rules, at the end of the inscription, are shown as "All village public opinion: Official land should not be used to sell rice and gamble. If anyone refuses to accept, he will be sent to the government for investigation and punishment." (YANG, 1992, p.151).
This area is referred to as "official land" because it is not privately held. The phrase "Official land should not be used for the sale of rice and gambling" does not preclude villagers’ businesses from conducting catering and gaming. It stresses that working in such sectors is prohibited in the ancient theater of official house. The internal reasoning is that since the theater is owned by the collective, nobody should exploit it for their own benefit.
2.2 Official House Theater of Jiaoling Village, Tongye Town
The official house in Jiaoling Village of Tongye Town was demolished in 2010, and now only the official house and theater remain. The theater is facing north and 15 degrees east. It is a brick and wood building with a front rolling shed and hard rear gable.
The platform foundation is made of Qingtiao stone in the Taihang Mountain area, with a height of 0.99m. The bearing structure of the theater is five beams. The front stage has four square stone columns as eaves pillars, and the lower end is connected with the drum-shaped mirror foundation. The platform is 7.07 meters wide; the entrance is 2.88 meters high; the front stage is 3.93 meters deep; the backstage is 3.11 meters deep. Wooden partition fans separate the front and back platforms. Above the wooden lattice fans, there are four words, "Ge Wu Lou Tai (Singing and Dancing Terrace)," among which the word "Ge (Singing)" has disappeared. The door is 0.74 meters wide and 2.03 meters high. The "Stele Inscription of the Construction of the Theater" is inlaid on the gable of the east side of the theater. The date of the inscription is "[…] the 5th day of July in the 5th year of the Republic of China (1916 A.D.)", which indicates that the theater was rebuilt in the early Republic of China. The inscription says: "[…] there was an old singing and dancing building in the street of Jiaoling Village, Anyang County, Zhangde City (Now Anyang City), Henan Province."[21] Therefore, this theater existed in the Qing Dynasty. There are opera sculptures under the front of the theater, the contents of which are opera characters, and the repertoire remains to be examined.
Figure 1 - Ancient Theater of Official House in Jiaoling Village, Tongye Town
Photographed by the author Hengli Peng, on August 15, 2019.
2.3 Official House Theater of Yanghe Village, Wulong Town, Linzhou City
It is located on Yanghe Village Street, Wulong Town. The official house is on the north side of the road, facing the south and the theater. The distance from the official house to the theater is 10 meters. It is a hard-gable building with a civil structure, 8.20m long from east to west, and 5.20m wide from south to north, with the eaves of 2.20m high.
The theater is of brick and wood structure, and the front eaves are paved with brackets under the forehead. The surface width is 7.29m, the height of the platform mouth is 2.96m, the size of the platform base is 1.56m, and the depth of the stage is 7.13m. The bottom of the platform is paved with bluestone, and the gable is covered with green bricks and filled with the embryo. There are four square eaves pillars at the entrance. A couplet is carved on the two stone pillars in the middle: "[…] according to the law and Lv's point, the ancient and modern human feelings are expressed through their clothes."[22] From the architectural style and structure, it should be Qing-dynasty architecture.
Figure 2 - Ancient Theater of Official House in Yanghe Village, Wulong Town
Photographed by the author Hengli Peng, on July 22, 2019
2.4 Official House Theater of East Ma'an Village, Heshun Town, Linzhou City
The theater is located in the courtyard of the village committee of East Ma'an Village, Heshun Town. Compared with the office building of the village committee, the location of the office building is the base of the official house.
The theater has a rolling shed in front and a hard gable behind. The width is 6.69m, with a height of 2.89m and 1.43m. The wooden lattice fans and the upper and lower doors are well preserved. The depth of the front stage is 3.91 meters, and that of the backstage is 2.80 meters. The entrance is 0.91 meters wide and 2.43 meters high, and the stage faces north and south to the official house. Besides, the load-bearing structure consists of five beams and four square stone columns at the front stage, supporting the main beam. A drum-shaped mirror foundation is at the end of the column, which is about 0.40 meters high. There are long strips of pressed stone along with the platform, masonry gables and blue bricks on the forum. Four eaves pillars are engraved with couplets, and the side couplets read: "The place is not big; it can serve the public for private and public purpose; the number of people is not large, but it can be proficient in everything"; the middle couplets say: "The silk and bamboo orchestral strings break through the hot and cool state of the world, pretend to play the ugly man, and describe both ancient and modern human feelings."[23] It emphasizes the educational function of opera performance.
Figure 3 -Ancient theater of official house in East Ma'an Village, Heshun Town
Photographed by the author Hengli Peng, on July 22, 2019)
According to the "Stele Inscription of the Renovation of Official House", the official house in East Ma'an Village was built in the 49th year of the Qianlong's reign (1784 A.D.) by the villagers, Li Youwen and Li Jiade. On the gable, there is also a "Stele Inscription of the Renovation of Theater", which is inscribed as "August in the 10th year of Guangxu's reign (1884 A.D.) of the Qing Dynasty", indicating that the theater was renovated in Guangxu period.[24] According to the inscription in front of the theater in 2009, the villagers held a sacrificial performance here on February 9, 2009 (the Lantern Festival), "[…] the festival lasted for several days, with gongs and drums blaring, firecrackers blaring, singing and dancing, and more than ten plays".[25] It indicates that the theater is still in use.
2.5 Official House Theater of Lingxi Village, Shayao Town, Huixian County
The official house is located in the west and faces east. It is a hard-gable building with a masonry structure. It is built on the stone foundation, which is 8.78 meters long, 5.54 meters wide and 0.42 meters high. The gable is also made of stone. Under the front eaves, there is a gallery under the forehead, supported by two square stone columns, and covered with a bucket-shaped stone foundation. The height from the platform base to Fang is 2.76 meters, and the depth of the corridor is 1.20 meters. The room is 8.74 meters long, 5.50 meters wide and 5.43 meters high. Under the southern gable, there is a stele erected in the year of 1915. The inscription contain the following records: "[...] the money for building an empty temple is 236,000 wen" and "the money for building and repairing a theater is 321,890 wen", [26] which is the cost of building the official house and the theater in the early years of the Republic of China.
The theater building faces east and west, opposite the official house, was built in November of the 6th year of Xuantong's reign of the Qing Dynasty (1914 A.D.). It is a hard-gable building with a brick wood structure. The outside of the platform foundation and gable is stone masonry, and the inside is filled with green bricks. The width of the platform entrance is 6.74m; the height of the platform base is 1.49m; the height of platform mouth is 2.66m; the height from the platform base to the main ridge is 5.74m. The bearing structure of the theater has four rafters with four columns in front and back. The front eaves columns are two square stone columns, and the column foundation is four-corner square. There are two circular columns in the background, which support the beam together with the eave columns. The front and rear wooden partition fans are no longer preserved. From the trace, the front-stage is 4.66 meters deep, and the backstage is 2.20 meters deep. On the west side of the gable, a certificate shaped door is opened, which is 1.78 meters wide and 1.77 meters high.
Figure 4 -Ancient theater of official house in Lingxi Village, Shayao Town
Photographed by the author Hengli Peng on August 12, 2019
3 Characteristics of Opera Performances in the Theater of Official House
The situation of the opera performances in the official house theater has disappeared; however, according to the inscriptions on the stage left by the troupes in the past, the situation of performing in official house theater can be partially restored. At present, there are mainly three types of wall inscriptions found on the stage.
3.1 Inscription on the wall of official house theater in Tianjiazui Village (West Lingxi Village), Shexian County, Hebei Province
The first thing to point out is that although Tianjiazui Village is in Hebei Province, it is located at the junction of Hebei and Henan Province, facing East Lingxi Village in Anyang County across the Zhang River (So Tianjiazui Village is also known as "West Lingxi Village"). In addition, the theater in Tianjiazui Village is the type of official house theater as well. Thus, the inscription on the wall of the theater in Tianjiazui Village is of great reference value to study the opera performances of the official house theater in North Henan Province. On its left side of the gable are the following ink book titles:
From September 21, the 3rd year of the Xuantong's reign (1911 A.D.), Hualin Opera Class sang: The first script is going downhill, the second one is Eryongcheng, the third one is Pennsylvania, the four coal mountains, the five anti-flood tunnels, six books are Dong Jialin, seven books are Jiaohai, eight books are looking for water, nine books are borrowing ice, ten books are headquartered, and eleven books are Luozhou. (YANG, 1992, p. 152).
On the right gable, there is doggerel: "In the 6th years of the Republic of China (1917 A.D.), there was a first-class pedestrian opera. On February 27, they went on stage to sing for four days (YANG, 1992, p. 152)."
3.2 Inscription on the wall of official house theater in Muming Village, Leikou Town, Anyang County:
A. (From right to left)
From September 24th to 17th in 1917 A.D.
(Top of the repertoire from left to right)
Jiangyi Wei House
(Right of the repertoire)
Styne Zhang Linyun, director of Yixing Opera Team in Zhang Daping Tune
(Left of the repertoire)
Accountant (Shuiye Town) Zhang Ting
(The repertoire list goes from right to left, the order is one up and one down)
Longfengpei, Ji Dongfeng, Yanmenguan, Mie Xiguo, Miao, Beiqiu Shan, Daming Tu, Huoniu Zhen, Jiutou, Yinyang, Jinbo, Fu (Foshou) Ju,Caobao Lijiancheng,Dahonglian Yu Hanjin, Wang Binyong, Zhengdan Hanqi, Xiaosheng Wang Chunhua, Laodan Zhang Donglin
(Right below the list on one table)
Santang Huishen, Shenci, Wu, Fan Deng, Zou, Pan, Er Jingong, Hong Damiao, Ji Deng, Ma, Daluo, Gua Yin. (YANG, 1992, p. 159-160).
B. (Opera List of September 18 in 1924)
Yongzhou, Touben,
Gui Hanqiao, Erben Zha Zhaowang, Heisheng Gaibao
Shiqian Daomu, Sanben Guogong Tu, Erben Liba
Hongtang, Siben Jieyi He, Er Shengxiaozhu
Chanyu, Wuben Zuochenqiao, Da Mei
Maiyou Lang, Liuiben Wuhan, Xiao Huanxin
Zou Yunnan, Qiben Fan Xitang, San
Er Yunnan, Baben Wufeng Ling, Lao Chen
Shiben Fan Tongguan
Heishui Guo, Shiyiben Fan Chang' an
(A doggerel)
There was a king of Tang Ming on the West day.
Heaven led him to heaven
Wen Wu of Hui Dynasty Performs
Wei Zhengcheng took the lead.
Left-word person Liu (YANG, 1992, p. 160).
C. (Inscriptions in 1925)
The 11-day deadline begins before noon on August 20, 14, of the Republic of China
Kuai Song Ji is in the city of Linyi, and Wang Fengtai, who is in charge of the theater, is performing here. (YANG, 1992, p. 160).
3.3 Inscription on the wall of official house theater in North Dongpo Village, Nancun Town, Huixian County
In the investigation, the authors found an inscription on the wall for the first time, which had not been recorded by the academic circle before. The specific content is as follows:
(From right to left)
Liangjia Village, Huyi, Shanxi Province
(Above the repertoire)
Liangjia Village
(From right to left, up and down in the repertoire)
1936 A.D.
Shuangfeng Du, Da Baxian, Wujue Zhen, Da Jinzhi
Zhongchen Tu, Liu Pei, Tianmen Zhen, Wufeng Lou, Hongshiguan
Bai Guan, Huan, Da Chuan, Gong, Song, Sha Gou
Dong, Guang Bei, Sha Simen, Leyi Hui, Bu Dong
(Outside the repertoire, from top to bottom)
Leyi Hui[27]
Figure 5 - Wall inscription on the stage in the official building of North Dongpo Village, Nancun Town, Huixian County
Photographed by the author Hengli Peng on August 12, 2019.
Overall, the above inscription cover a period from the year of 1910 to 1936, which can reflect the situation of local opera performance from the late Qing Dynasty to the period of Republic of China. It can be summarized as follows:
Firstly, local operas were mainly performed at that time. According to the inscription, the type of the opera performed in the official house theater was Dapingdiao. It was formed in the middle and late Qing Dynasty and was mainly popular in North Henan and South Hebei. The operas performed in the ancient theater of official house were mainly local ones. The name of the troupe was Yixing troupe, and the head of the it was Zhang Linyun.
Secondly, local troupes were the performing groups. Zhang Ting, Shuiye town, mentioned in the inscription on the wall, was a township of Anyang County, adjacent to Leikou, Tongye, and Duli Towns. Yixing troupe is a local opera troupe in Anyang County. Besides, Kuai Song Ji which is mentioned in the inscription on the wall, actually refers to the opera troupe from the city of Linzhou, and the leader of the troupe was named Wang Fengtai. Huyi, Shanxi Province, mentioned in the inscription on the wall, actually refers to Huguan County in Changzhi City, Shanxi Province, showing that there were both local and provincial troupes performing here at that time. Of course, considering that Huguan County is adjacent to Huixian County, the troupe from Huyi is local in the Taihang Mountain area.
With the help of wall inscription on the stage, some artists’ names and roles, who performed in the ancient theater of official house, were also preserved, such as "Yu Hanjin, Wang Bingyong, Hanqi, Wang Chunhua, and Zhang Donglin (YANG, 1992, p. 160)". They all belong to the grand Dapingdiao artists of Yixing troupe from Anyang.
Thirdly, the official house theater had its opera performances mostly in the spring and autumn. Autumn was the peak season for the opera performances of Muming Village, in Leikou Town (August 20, September 18th and September 24th of the lunar calendar). The Tianjiazui Village official house, in Shexian County, was in session from February 27 to February 30 of the lunar calendar. The "Stele Inscription of the Renovation of Official House and the Construction of Theater" of this village says:
There are always spring and autumn reports in this village. An old official house has been destroyed for a long time. Now Wang Huaiyi has made a feast to invite people to renovate it. The official house becomes radiant and new, and there is no punishment sent by God. (YANG, 1992, p. 152).
It shows that the time for opera performance is in spring and autumn. The "Stele Inscription of the Renovation of Official House" in Dongshui Village, Anyang County, says: "From now on, in the spring and autumn period, performing the opera before gods, fellow villagers burn incense and enjoys the place". (YANG, 1992, p. 233).
The opera performance in Dongshui Village was also played in spring and autumn. Chunqi Qiubao is the essential node of local opera performance because the Taihang Mountain area belongs to the temperate continental climate. The spring is dry and less rainy, and the farmers pray for rain. According to Wu Yinmei, a villager in Nanyang Village, Duli Town, in the past, the village held opera performances in the theater of official house on April 4, and twelve Dragon Kings were invited to watch the performance for three to five days.[28] Yang Shulin, a villager of Dongshui village, recalled that in the past, the village paid gods an opera performance in the theater of official house on February 15 of the lunar calendar, and invited twenty-four Dragon Kings to the show for three to five days.[29] The gods invited by the opera performance are consistent, mainly the rain god, to pray for rain. The opera performed in autumn is the reward to the gods after the agricultural harvest, that is, making a wish in spring, and the autumn reward, thus is also related to the agricultural production cycle in the Taihang Mountain area.
Fourthly, the main repertoires were historical opera, reunion opera and farce opera. Historical opera occupied the vast majority of the local opera performance, such as Huoniu Zhen, Ji Dongfeng, Yanmenguan, Mie Xiguo, Daming Yu, Gua Yin, Guogong Tu, Fan Xitang, Fan Chang'an, Zhongchen Tu, Sha Ximen, Tianmen Zhen, Wufeng Lou, and Hongshiguan. The main historical opera was related to the long duration of opera performance in official house theater. The shortest time for the opera performance was three days. Some play four to five days, three times a day, with about ten to fifteen plays. The advantage of the historical opera lied in the fact that they had enough story length, such as Fan Chang'an having 11 scripts, Fan Tongguan had 10 scripts, Wufeng Ling has 8 scripts, and Fan Xitang has 7 scripts. For the troupe, the advantage of historical opera was that the costumes, props, costumes, music and voice of each book were the same, and the actors’ roles and professions were the same, too. During the performance, the actors only needed to change character name and place name, which saved the artists trouble.
There were also some auspicious reunion operas, such as Longfengpei, Maiyoulang, Guihanqiao, Jieyi He, Zha Zhaowang, Shiqian Daomu, Da Baxian Sha Gou and Da Jinzhi. The plots of these plays were vivid and interesting, and ordinary people liked to hear and see them. Moreover, the contents of these plays were auspicious. Because of this, these operas were the best of local troupes, and they were well performed and loved by the people. For example, the opera of Zha Zhaowang was a prevalent play in the Taihang Mountain area in the Qing Dynasty. In the Taihang Mountain of Qi County, we found the opera murals of the Qing Dynasty, including the opera of Zha Zhaowang and Zha Meian, indicating that these plays in the Qing Dynasty were top-rated in the Taihang Mountain area.
CONCLUSIONS
In general, the academic research on the ancient theater of official house is relatively weak, and there is no comprehensive investigation and research on this special theater type. It is worth noting that these theaters have not received due attention and proper protection. Some of them have been used for other purposes, while others have been eroded by wind and rain. If they are not repaired and protected in time, these precious cultural relics will disappear in the depth of History. Therefore, through field investigation, the authors and team members have comprehensively recorded and verified the data and information of these theaters, which will not only provide new research materials for the study of Chinese opera and ancient theater architecture, but also contribute to the rescue protection of this historical architectural heritage. Besides, the following conclusions can be drawn after the research:
First, the "official house" is derived from the ancient official language, which refers to the house both built and owned by the government. The folk borrowed this term to refer to the houses built in the village and owned collectively by the village. In the Taihang Mountain area, it refers to the public house where the gods are entertained with opera performance.
Second, even though the official house and the temple perform essentially the same tasks, there are some key distinctions between the two. A temple is a location where people go to worship the gods, and religious individuals typically run it. The official house is a community centre constructed for village play performances and deity worship. In addition to being a shrine, it is used as a public house. It can be concluded that the theater of official house is different from the theater of temple, and the former is a particular type of the latter, which proves the richness of the architectural types of ancient Chinese opera.
Third, the ancient theater of official house is not only the component of the material culture--the ancient architecture, but also the important carrier of immaterial culture-- the Chinese traditional opera. In fact, in addition to meeting the needs of performance, architectural style and aesthetic pursuit, ancient theater architecture should also consider the support of financial and material resources as well as the restriction of technological development level (CHE, 2011, p. 15). According to the present information, the remains of the ancient theater of official house are mainly distributed in the Taihang Mountain area of North Henan Province. It shows the historical fact that local people built theaters and organized opera performances and reflects the local economy and production level, which has significant value of historical data and cultural relic.
UNO STUDIO sull'antico teatro della Casa Ufficiale nell'area montuosa del Taihang nella Provincia dell'Henan Settentrionale in Cina
Riassunto: L'antico teatro della Casa Ufficiale è un antico teatro esistente nell'area Montuosa del Taihang nella Provincia dell'Henan Settentrionale, il quale nacque nel periodo centrale della Dinastia Qing. L'aspetto dell'antico teatro della Casa Ufficiale è legato all'ambiente naturale locale, alla cultura popolare e alla produttività agricola. Ci sono otto antiche fasi della casa ufficiale nell'area Montuosa del Taihang nella Provincia dell'Henan Settentrionale, che forniscono prove fisiche per lo studio del dramma teatrale popolare nell'area Montuosa del Taihang durante la dinastia Qing. Le iscrizioni sulle stele e sul palcoscenico dell'opera tradizionale cinese riflettono alcune caratteristiche del dramma teatrale rappresentato dai funzionari fin dalla dinastia Qing in Cina. I tipi di opere eseguite sono opere locali, le quali rappresentano dei preziosi materiali per lo studio storico. In una certa misura, è possibile ricostruire il percorso lo sviluppo regionale della società, della cultura e della vita quotidiana locale.
Parole chiave: Casa Ufficiale. Teatro antico. Dramma teatrale antico. Credenza popolare.
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Received: 27/7/2022
Accept: 28/11/2022
Comment on “A Study on the Ancient theater of the official house in The Taihang mountain area of North Henan Province in China”
Commented Article: Peng Hengli; LI, Hanwen. A study on the ancient theater of official house in the Taihang mountain area of North Henan province in China. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 153- 178, 2023.
Peng and Li (2023) explore these ancient theatres of official houses to prove the richness of the architectural types of ancient Chinese opera and the significant value of historical material and cultural relics. The first-hand data obtained in the investigation will also provide the latest research materials on ancient Chinese opera and theatre architecture. The traditional theatre is the carrier of Chinese performance culture, and its lively atmosphere is a unique part of Chinese performance culture. Through field investigation, the article found eight existing theatres in the Taihang Mountain area of northern Henan, including three newly discovered and unrecorded theatres, as well as several opera inscriptions and murals. It is not only of great significance to improve the knowledge system of traditional Chinese theatres, but also provides material evidence for the study of rural opera performances in the Taihang Mountains in the Qing Dynasty. It also has a practical significance to guide and improve the design of modern theaters. In particular, the inscriptions on the stone tablets and the stage walls can reflect some characteristics of local opera performances since the Qing Dynasty, such as type, time, troupes, etc. To a certain extent, it proves the richness of ancient Chinese opera architecture types, which has important historical and cultural value.
Opera cultural relics are the material carriers closely related to opera cultural activities. The textual research and analysis would not only help to understand the historical features of the origin, formation, development, prosperity and decline of drama but also help to summarize its universal laws, greatly broadening the vision of drama research. As one of the important types of opera cultural relics, the theater has had an indissoluble bond with opera since its birth. Its changes in shape and layout are closely related to opera performance (BAO, 1991. p. 3). From the standpoint of the quantity, form and integrity of the bequest of the era of theatre ruins, it is unquestionably the ideal beginning place for comprehending the grand performances of ancient Chinese urban and rural temples. There has always been a clear distinction between the styles of Chinese and Western performance architecture. Behind this distinction, there are two distinct performance models. In western modern theatre architecture, the audience held their breath and paid close attention, becoming nearly one with the performers. In front of the traditional Chinese stage, the audience was conversing and applauded, and the atmosphere is quite calm and casual.
The article summarized the characteristics of the ancient theater of the official house in different times and the relationship between inheritance and evolution in different times. On this basis, this paper probed into the pluralism and universality of the belief of the folk gods in the north of Henan, as well as the penetration and popularization of the thought of rites and music.
From the perspective of the structure of the article, it adopted the structure of total division and total. First, it introduced the origin of the ancient theater of the government. In ancient books, “official houses” refer to the houses owned by the government, while the villagers refer to the public houses collectively owned by the village (CHE, 2011, p. 4). The villagers call the village public housing “official housing” because they have similar connotations - non-private property. After that, this paper introduced the ancient theater of the official house in northern Henan and listed its construction schedule. It can be seen that the ancient theater of the official house mainly appeared in the late Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty. Finally, it introduces Anyang in detail. Anyang is a place with many ancient theaters of official houses. Although Huixian County is under the jurisdiction of Xinxiang County, it is geographically closer to Shanxi Province and belongs to the Taihang Mountains area, with less distribution within the territory. From the architectural form perspective, the width of the official surface is 8-10m, the depth is 5-7m and the height is 5m. The theater is 6-7m wide, 1.4m high, 2.5-2.9m high at the entrance, 3.5-4m deep at the front and 1.7-3m deep at the back (TUO, 1985, p. 13103).
The government theater has several characteristics. First, the type of opera the government theatre performs is Dapingdiao. The large flat carving was formed in the middle and late Qing Dynasty. It was mainly popular in northern Henan and southern Hebei. Secondly, local troupes are performing groups. Third, the opera performances of the government theater are concentrated primarily in the spring and autumn. Fourth, the main plays are historical, reunion and comic. Historical operas account for the vast majority of local opera performances. The academic research on the ancient theater of the official house is relatively weak, and there are not comprehensive investigation and research on this special type of theater. It is worth noting that these theaters have not received due attention and proper protection. Some were appropriated for other purposes, and some were eroded by wind and rain (YANG, 1992. p. 233). If not repaired and protected in time, these precious cultural relics would disappear into the depths of history.
The performance of government theaters can be effectively guaranteed in terms of time and material, which is also an important reason why many government theaters can be preserved, and their performances can continue to this day. Up to now, most folk independent theaters are dilapidated or no longer exist due to a lack of repair and protection. Due to its special reasons, the ancient theater of the official house has been well preserved and has become the most important and important part of the traditional performance architecture that has been preserved so far.
The ancient theatre of the official mansion is characterized culturally by its typical performing atmosphere. The ancient theatre of the government residence should not only be safeguarded for its tangible value but also for its cultural features. The research on the relationship between the atmosphere of watching performances and the ancient theatre of the official house is not only of great importance to the protection of the “cultural relics” of the ancient theatre, but it also provides theoretical support for how to better restore the cultural characteristics of the ancient theatre in contemporary preservation practice.
The ancient theater of the official house is an important part of traditional Chinese theater. The modern theater of China almost directly continues the western theater model. As a kind of “cultural relic” almost forgotten by the times, the traditional Chinese theater is gradually disappearing. The traditional theater is an important carrier of Chinese traditional culture. Along with the “disappearance of traditional theater”, the Chinese traditional performance culture is also gradually disappearing. In modern theater, which generally follows western theater, the Chinese traditional performance culture is difficult to continue because it cannot display its characteristics. In the modern cities of China, it is hard to see the traditional phenomenon of “[…] the actors on the stage sing and dance beautifully, and the cheers under the stage overwhelm the public.” (YANG, 1992. p. 145). Today, this endangered culture can only be seen in small and backward rural theaters. With the rapid development and expansion of the city, when the remote villages are also swept by the wave of urbanization, how this traditional performance culture would continue would be a serious problem. Chinese traditional performance culture is an important part of the intangible culture of China. Under today’s extensive appeal for the protection of immaterial culture, the inheritance and protection of traditional performance culture are imminent. As an important part of the traditional official performance, the discovery of the article provides help for the protection of traditional drama.
People from all walks of life are paying greater attention to the safeguarding of intangible culture as a result of increased urbanization and the integration of global culture. In contrast to the western theatre, Chinese government theatre is a significant and distinctive performance tradition that has not received attention from all segments of society. This distinctive performing culture arises due to the influence of conventional theatres. It can still be observed in some rural traditional communities with somewhat underdeveloped economies. This unique performance culture is in jeopardy of extinction due to the rapid loss of traditional communities by contemporary metropolis.
This paper discussed the role of theater in creating the atmosphere of watching the performance from three aspects: location, shape and decoration, along the way from macro to micro. This paper attempted to stand in the perspective of architecture, combined with the relevant knowledge of other disciplines to study and explain this unique phenomenon of performance culture. The article comprehensively recorded and verified the data information of these theaters, which would not only provide new research materials for the research of Chinese opera and ancient theater buildings and contribute to the rescue and protection of this historic architectural heritage.
As far as the traditional theater in China is concerned, the ancient theater of the official house is only a small part of it, which has certain limitations in the scope of research. Secondly, the viewing space is only a part of the “environmental” factors that affect the viewing atmosphere. The broad sense environment includes physical, regional and cultural environments. The ancient theater of the official house is by no means produced under the independent influence of the viewing space. The article also needs to combine anthropology, history, sociology, philosophy, psychology and other multi-disciplinary research methods to more comprehensively explain the development of the ancient theater of the official house and constantly improve the knowledge system about the traditional viewing culture.
Although we cannot experience the original taste of the ancient theater of the official house as the ancients did, and although the original magnificent theater has disappeared, what we need to do is to make these excellent traditional cultures disappear slowly.
REFERENCES
BAO, S. C. Collection of Xiaojuanyou Pavilion. V. 1. Hefei: Huangshan, 1991. p. 3-5.
CHE, W. M. The Regulation of Stage in Ancient China and the Scale of Traditional Opera Performance. Journal of Theatre Arts, v.159, n. 1, p. 4-18, 2011.
Peng Hengli; LI, Hanwen. A study on the ancient theater of official house in the Taihang mountain area of North Henan province in China. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 153- 178, 2023.
TUO, T. History of Song Dynasty. V. 443. Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 1985. p. 13103-13107.
YANG, A. M. Records of Opera in Anyang City. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books, 1992. p. 233-236.
YANG, J. M. Historical Relics of Zhongzhou Opera. Beijing: Cultural Relics, 1992. p. 145-160.
Received: 12/11/2022
Approved: 10/12/2022
HOW PEACE CORPS VOLUNTEERS INFLUENCE THE UNITED STATES: AN ANALYSIS BASED ON PRAGMATISM
Abstract: From the perspective of pragmatic diplomatic philosophy, Peace Corps can benefit the United States, which is an important reason for the domestic support it receives within the United States. Through the volunteers’ acculturation experience, cultural exchanges between the United States and host countries are promoted and the awareness of the American society about the Third World countries is raised, which is the true value of the Peace Corps from the perspective of American interests. As members of American society, Peace Corps volunteers gain a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the Third World in their host countries, which is not only an important part of improving the awareness of the American society the Third World, but is also an important bridge to spread this awareness in the United States. When volunteers return to the United States after finishing their service, they bring their understanding of the Third World to different industries and fields in American domestic society. Among them, American education and diplomacy are mostly affected. These are of great significance in improving the international vision and awareness of American education and the reliability of American foreign policy.
Keywords: Peace Corps. Acculturation. Pragmatism. Diplomatic philosophy. Cultural exchanges.
INTRODUCTION
When scholars discuss the influence of the Peace Corps, most people naturally think of and observe the benefits of the Peace Corps from the perspective of foreign aid. Such observations often lead to disappointing evaluations, as scholars have found that Peace Corps has little impact on the local people’s living standards in the host countries and on national economic development (RICE, 1985, p. 286; LOWTHER, 1978, p. 54; SEARLES, 1997, p. 209). The reason is that the influence of the Peace Corps on the host country is often hidden and lagging. A similar approach to the impact of the Peace Corps on the United States leads to similar conclusions for the same reason. However, there is only one official goal of the Peace Corps, which relates to foreign aid, while the other two constitute cultural exchange between the United States and host countries. Pragmatism is an important part of American philosophy and it is also a philosophical guide to American diplomacy (MARKS, 2003, p. 283). From the perspective of pragmatism with the focus on national interests, the reason Peace Corps has been supported by the US federal government and Congress for such a long time may not be due to the excellent foreign aid effects but rather because it is an organization that is beneficial to the United States. The effect of Peace Corps' foreign aid is not satisfactory, but considering the influence on the United States as the function and purpose of cultural exchange, the true value of the Peace Corps to the United States is found. The volunteers’ acculturation experiences in the host countries are the fundamental source of the cultural exchange effect provided by the Peace Corps. Most volunteers return to the United States after completing their two years of service. As a result, their experience of acculturation will benefit both the host countries and, more significantly, the United States: the nation itself.
From the pragmatic and based perspective on the Peace Corps officials and volunteers’ monographs and memoirs, official documents and survey reports, this article analyses the influence of host country acculturation experiences on Peace Corps volunteers and the Peace Corps volunteers’ influence on American domestic society and US diplomacy to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of what the Peace Corps means to the United States.
1 The impact of acculturation experience in the host countries on Peace Corps volunteers
The acculturation experience in the host countries obviously affects Peace Corps volunteers, which is an important part of how Peace Corps affect American society as well. It is also an important reason why volunteers can spread the influence of their cultural adaptation experience to all aspects of American society. The third statutory purpose of the Peace Corps clearly expresses its expectation for volunteers to bring their experience in the host countries back to the United States. This expectation is mainly achieved by allowing the American people to better understand the host countries, their people and their culture. At the same time, volunteers are the bridge for other Americans to understand the host countries and cultures.
The volunteers receive assistance from the locals in exchange for aiding the citizens of the host nations. While educating, they get knowledge from the locals. Volunteers frequently benefit from the warm welcome and consideration of the community while they are serving. They gain a greater understanding about the locals and their culture by helping local communities. The volunteers are introduced to the local language, cultureand cuisine by the locals, who also teach them the language. The frequency of volunteers' interactions with locals, as well as the language instruction provided by the Peace Corps, have an impact on their language proficiency. As early as 1961, when Shriver visited India to promote the Peace Corps, founding prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, pointed out that Indian villagers needed certain technical skills to build dams or schools, but the American people also needed to have a deeper understanding of the Third World. He concluded that "[…] the Indian people have confidence in the culture of India and there are many things that can be taught to newcomers, in terms of spirit, I believe that Americans will learn a lot in this country, which may be an important experience for them." (WOFFORD, 1980, p. 272). Later, Tanzanian President Nyerere also told Peace Corps’ officials that he would be "[…] particularly happy to educate Americans […]." (RICE, 1985, p. 291).
After returning to the US from the host countries, the volunteers not only benefited from serving the local language and culture but were also more internationally and culturally aware due to their volunteer experience. They are generally more concerned about the problems faced by the people at home, as well as abroad, and more willing to take action to solve the relevant problems.
First, returned volunteers gain a clearer understanding of American society and culture. After living in the host countries for a long period of time, many volunteers, who are more able to understand and sympathize with the people’s lifestyles in the Third World, have a more global perspective, and are more aware of the harms of labels and stereotypes. It is more likely that they understand the essence of equality between people instead of labeling people as "[…] blacks, communists, nerds or Jews." (ASHABRANNER, 1971, p. 369). Returned volunteers seem to react more strongly to what they think of as the shortcomings of the United States, such as "commercialism," "racism," "localism," "herd" and "immaturity" in the United States (HOOPES, 1966, p. 222). In 1969, the Harris Poll showed that 85% of the returned volunteers in 1964 believed that racial inequality was the most obvious weakness in the United States (RICE, 1985, p. 291). Cross (1998, p. 5) found, through interviews with 154 returned volunteers, that volunteer experience not only improves their cultural awareness and changes their world outlook, but it also changes their personality.
Second, returned volunteers may have short-term readjustment problems after returning to the United States after adapting to the lifestyle of the host country, but they generally face up to any problems. They may temporarily face the difficulty of making choices for the future, be temporarily out of touch with American domestic society, or are not able to adapt to the fast-paced life of the United States. Some returned volunteers may feel lost in the hustle and bustle and overwhelming news within the United States, and some may even find American food "disgusting." Compared with host societies, American society is "divided," "tense," "angry" and "violent" (ASHABRANNER, 1971, p. 369). However, benefiting from their more challenging adaptation experience in the host countries, they are generally able to adjust quickly and become more concerned about the problems faced by people in the United States and abroad.
Compared to their university peers or acquaintances, who have not travelled overseas, most returned volunteers are more mature. They have a better understanding of what is going on in the world, in the nation and in their own local communities. A volunteer, who worked in a Latin American Community Development Project, said that before joining the Peace Corps, he was frustrated because many things were too complicated, and he never cared about some things. But after finishing the volunteer service and returning to Minneapolis, he felt that he was more responsible. This volunteer is now pursuing a master's degree at the University of Minnesota. Even though he was angry, he realised he had to face reality and not just stand by and observe. He began to care about the city he was in and wanted to understand "who lives in where in the city, what are the different groups and interests, what are the problems, and who will manage the city." He wanted to learn about Minneapolis with the same social overview he had when working in the Latin American village (HOOPES, 1966, p. 222).
Most returned volunteers described their service experience in the host countries as a transformative experience and believed it helped shape their views of the world and their future. Many volunteers reported that they "[…] learned more than they taught" in the host country (ASHABRANNER, 1994, p. 100). In 2011, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Peace Corps, more than 11,000 returned volunteers participated in a questionnaire survey conducted by Bridgeland with the support of Peter D. Hart Research Associates and other institutions.
According to this survey report, 92% of the returned volunteers believe that the Peace Corps has changed their lives; 89% of the returned volunteers believe that the Peace Corps has changed their views on the United States; 86% of the returned volunteers said that their Peace Corps volunteer experience made them more open to people of different races, ethnicities and religions; 80% of the returned volunteers questioned US foreign policy because of joining the Peace Corps; 67% of the returned volunteers believe that their values have been changed as a result; 59% of the returned volunteers said that the Peace Corps volunteer service experience made them more willing to join the volunteer service of the community after returning home; 52% of the returned volunteers said they became more optimistic about their future because of joining the Peace Corps (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 12). In addition, the returnees said that the volunteer service experience of the Peace Corps had an impact on their future. This is mainly because it will affect their views on American foreign policy (74%), their career choices (60%), their political views (53%), how they use their spare time (41%), their choice of residence (35%) and their religious or spiritual beliefs (26%) (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 52).
2 The PEACE CORPS VOLUNTEERS’ influence on American domestic society
Peace Corps volunteers can have a certain impact on American education during their in-service period and the preservice training period in the early development of the Peace Corps. The Peace Corps volunteers’ impact on American society mainly occurs after they return to their country, but some of the impacts occur during their service. In the early development of Peace Corps, some of the impact may even occur before they go to the host countries.
In the 1960s, the Peace Corps volunteer preservice training was mainly completed in the United States. During this period, many universities provided strong support for Peace Corps volunteer training. At the same time, the Peace Corps’ volunteer training has brought new changes to these universities. In the early years of the Peace Corps’ development, many universities in the United States undertook the main part of the volunteer training. To complete successfully the volunteer training tasks of the Peace Corps, these colleges or universities often had to update existing teaching methods and expand existing research fields.
Language instruction and regional/national studies were the two areas where this kind of influence was most apparent. Numerous colleges and institutions have a shaky foundation in the teaching of foreign languages of the host countries. Volunteers required training, and some of them lacked the necessary language training conditions. However, improved training environments for these languages have steadily developed, and new language training techniques have been established in order to perform successfully volunteer language training assignments. Many cultures of the host countries have been explored for the first time in these universities in order to better complete the cultural training for volunteers. As a result, regional/national studies in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the host nations have been carried out and enhanced through time by these institutions and universities.
In 1958, the United States promulgated the National Defence Education Act, which promoted foreign language training in the United States. However, the Peace Corps volunteers’ preservice training had a more extensive impact on foreign language education in the United States. More American foreign language talent is trained than in the National Defence Education Act, and many trained foreign language types are even more minor. For example, these colleges have trained Thai, Malay, Sinhala, Nepali, Cree and Hausa for Peace Corps volunteers. The language education of the National Defence Education Act did not train talent in these languages for the United States at that time.
Since the establishment of Peace Corps, batches of visiting teachers and international students from various host countries have been brought into these universities to participate in the volunteer training. Soon after the training started, these universities gradually established international research centres to conduct research in the Third World countries. Using the Northern Illinois University as an example, the university originally did not have any international programs. But because of joining the Peace Corps volunteer training program, the Malayan government sent six training teachers to the university. Many teachers from the university also visited Malaya, which made Northern Illinois University one of the first American universities to teach Malay. The university soon established the Southeast Asian Studies Project (SHRIVER, 1964, p. 87).
In the early development of the Peace Corps, because volunteers had little contact with the United States, it was generally difficult for them to have a significant domestic impact during their service in the host countries. However, in 1989, to better achieve the third goal of the Peace Corps, Paul Coverdell, the 11th director of the Peace Corps, established the World Wise Schools project, which enabled volunteers to interact with many Americans at home while serving in the host countries (SHRIVER, 1964, p. 88). In the early days of the project, volunteers serving in the host countries were paired with school classes in the United States to facilitate their communication through letters, photos, work and phone calls, and to allow volunteers to visit domestic schools after returning to the United States. With the continuous development of communication technology, Peace Corps volunteers can gradually interact directly with students in the United States, in the classroom through the internet. Many volunteers also used this project to produce teaching videos, lesson plans and even books for American students in specific countries during their overseas service.
The World Wise Schools assisted approximately three million American students to communicate directly with the Peace Corps volunteers, according to information provided by the Peace Corps in 2006. Through the project, 4,000 volunteers gave American students firsthand accounts of their volunteer work in the host nations. About 380,000 pupils from all 50 states of the United States benefited from this (PEACE CORPS, 2006, p. 87). Currently, many volunteers use several internet channels in addition to the World Wise Schools Project to share their lives and work in the host nation as well as local customs with residents from all over the world, including the American people, through blogs and video clips. When Peace Corps volunteers return to the United States, after completing their volunteer service, they enter various walks of life and have a more profound impact on different areas of American society.
Since the Peace Corps does not limit the applicants’ professional background when recruiting and selecting volunteers, the volunteers' destinations, after returning to the United States, are also diversified. Among the 2,427 Peace Corps volunteers’ first batch returning to the United States, 51% chose to go to different majors in colleges and universities to continue their studies; 14% chose to become teachers in schools of different levels; 12% became government employees; and 5% chose to work in nonprofit organizations (HOOPES, 1966, p. 213-215). In 1967, Peace Corps counted the 7,393 volunteers’ whereabouts, who returned home, and found that 37% of the volunteers chose to continue their studies; 19% of the volunteers chose to become teachers, 17% of volunteers chose to work in the federal government (12.7%) or state/local governments (4.1%); and 7% of the volunteers chose to work for nonprofit organizations (PEACE CORPS, 1967, p. 45).
Returned volunteers, who choose to continue their studies, have always accounted for the returned volunteers’ largest number, and they choose different majors when they continue their studies. Taking statistics in 1967 as an example, volunteers' fields of study included social subjects (30%), education (14%), and technical fields, including engineering, science, mathematics and architecture (14%). Humanities included news and language (13%), law (4%), regional studies (4%), agriculture or forestry (4%), business and management (3%), and health, entertainment and sports (3%) (PEACE CORPS, 1967, p. 58). After graduation, these volunteers move to different areas of American society, which also affects the returned volunteers’ employment.
As American domestic society develops, the returned volunteers’ employment destination continues to change, with volunteers being employed in multiple fields. According to statistics on more than 11,000 returned Peace Corps volunteers’ whereabouts, who completed their services from 1963 to 2011, volunteers returning from the 1960s mainly engaged in education (50%), business (23%), nonprofit organizations (20%), governments at all levels (20%), medical and health care (13%), and international development, the Peace Corps or the United Nations (10%). In the 2020s, the most popular employment field for returned volunteers still included education, but the ratio decreased (33%) (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 13). Compared with volunteers in the 1960s, volunteers in the 2000s were less interested in business and all levels of government. They were more interested in health, international development, the Peace Corps and the United Nations.
Judging from the returned volunteers’ career development data, their acculturation experience in the host countries has the most obvious impact on American education. Teachers have always been the most popular profession for returned volunteers. Many volunteers want to become teachers after returning to the United States because of their volunteer service experience in the Peace Corps. According to the survey data of the Peace Corps in 1963, before joining, only 13% of volunteers wanted to become teachers after returning home. After serving, 25% of volunteers said they wanted to become teachers after returning to their country (ADAMS, 1964, p. 192). Studies have shown that volunteers returning from the Peace Corps show a higher sense of self-efficiency and cultural awareness as teachers, thus having an important positive impact on teaching (CROSS, 1998. p. 15).
Although schools in the United States want to recruit more teachers with experience as volunteers in the Peace Corps, they believe that returned volunteers are "the best source of teachers." However, after returning to America, many volunteers chose to teach in poorer schools with more challenging teaching conditions (ASHABRANNER, 1971, p. 365). For example, as many as ten returned volunteers taught at Cardozo High School in Washington, DC, which is one of the worst slums in the area with high levels of violence. Each of the ten returned volunteers was responsible for teaching two classes at the school and for developing new courses for disadvantaged groups. They believed that teaching there gave them a sense of dedication and accomplishment, as did volunteering in the Philippines (SHRIVER, 1964, p. 89).
In addition to the education industry, returned Peace Corps vounteers’ large number enters various walks of life and has an impact on American society in various ways.
Volunteers’ increasing number chooses to continue to work in nonprofit organizations after returning to their home country. This allows many returned volunteers in the United States to continue to utilize the work methods and skills they have learned in the host countries. These volunteers share their experiences with the people they meet in their posts with enhanced international and cultural awareness brought by their Peace Corps experience. That is important for solving problems and influencing the people and society around them. According to relevant surveys, nearly two-thirds of the returned volunteers said they could apply the skills they learned in Peace Corps to their work. More than half of the returned volunteers shared their Peace Corps volunteer work experience in the United States through speeches, and 52% of the returned volunteers delivered speeches at school (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 14).
In the fiscal year 2003, the returned volunteers of Peace Corps went to schools or communities to share formally their service experience more than 7,000 times (PEACE CORPS, 2006). Many volunteers finally chose to join Peace Corps because they were influenced by returned volunteers who came to the school to share their experiences. For example, a volunteer, who had served in Ethiopia, was attracted by a slide show by a returned volunteer in the school when he was in junior high school. So he decided to join Peace Corps (CONRAD, 2011, p. 4).
Many Peace Corps volunteers authored and published memoirs about their service in the host countries after returning to the United States. Books about the social cultures of the host countries were written and published by certain volunteers. Volunteers made it possible for more Americans to comprehend the social cultures of their host countries on a deeper level, which can pique their interest in such societies and the Peace Corps volunteers’ experiences. According to incomplete statistics from the US Library of Congress, as of 2011, there have been more than 800 books about Peace Corps host countries published by former volunteers (THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 2011, p. 15).
Families are the most common targets for returned volunteers to share their service experiences in host countries. This way of sharing not only enables their families to have a deeper understanding of the social culture of a host country but also attracts them to join the Peace Corps, which produces sustained results. According to statistics, the returned volunteers’ vast majority (98%) is willing to recommend that their children join the Peace Corps. And many people said that they joined the Peace Corps because they were influenced by their families (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 22). For example, in Carrie Radelet’s family, then deputy director of the Peace Corps, her aunt joined the Peace Corps in the early 1960s and became the 10,000th returned volunteer in the history of the Peace Corps. Then, her grandparents became Peace Corps volunteers in the early 1970s because they were always attracted by her stories about Peace Corps volunteer service. She also joined Peace Corps in 1981 and became one of the volunteers serving in Samoa (RADELET, 2011, p. 4).
3 The Peace Corps VOLUNTEERS’ INFLUENCE on US diplomacy
During their service in the host countries, Peace Corps volunteers won the hearts of the United States through friendly exchanges with local people, thus gaining soft power. They are important practitioners of American cultural diplomacy. Moreover, after they return to the United States, they continue to provide high-quality talent and intellectual support for American conventional and cultural diplomacy.
For a country, cooperative soft power, that is, the ability to influence others’ choices through cultural attraction, rather than threats and bribery, is as important as economic and military hard power in international relations (NYE, 1990, p. 153). Cultural diplomacy or public diplomacy is an important way to improve soft power (NYE, 2004, p. 5; NYE, 2008, p. 94). Public diplomacy, as a supplement to official diplomacy, can influence public opinion in other countries through various means of information dissemination to increase the influence and image of a country among the foreign public. Cultural diplomacy can promote national security through subtle, wide-ranging and sustainable methods. Cultural diplomacy provides a large amount of content for public diplomacy and is the most critical part of public diplomacy (SCHNEIDER, 2006, p. 191; US DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 2005, p. 46). For a long time, Peace Corps volunteers have left a good American impression on the local people in host countries and have gained intangible soft power for the United States. As a result, the Peace Corps is often regarded as a model of successful cultural diplomacy in the United States (FINN, 2003, p.15; ARNDT, 2006, p. 39; GLADE, 2009, p. 240; LIU, 2009, p. 159).
Only those exchanges on a certain scale, and with symmetrical information and attitudes that occur among the people, constitute effective cultural exchange. Cultures in different civilizations are lasting and stable, and it is difficult for people to transform them forcibly (HUNTINGTON, 1993, p. 37). Uncomfortable propaganda and obvious diplomatic purposes keep a country away from cultural diplomacy (CULL, 2009, p. 10). Effective cultural diplomacy needs to make full use of the natural forms of non-governmental communication. For a country, "[…] the 'national image' and the 'public support' formed by extensive and in-depth daily non-governmental communication are more real and reliable." (ZHUANG, 2017, p. 67). The scale of people-to-people exchanges (the number of people affected, the diversity of the fields they belong to and the length of the impact) and the symmetry of communication (the symmetry of information exchange, the symmetry of personnel flow and the symmetry of communication attitude) can be used to judge the effect of cultural diplomacy (YE, 2019, p. 69).
Generally speaking, interactions between Peace Corps volunteers and locals have a long-lasting impact on people from various disciplines. They are symmetrical in terms of communication attitudes and information flow but unbalanced in terms of personnel flow. In other words, Peace Corps volunteers can have the best effects on American cultural diplomacy. First, the scale of exchange between Peace Corps volunteers and the local people of the host countries is considerable. Every year, Peace Corps has thousands of volunteers serving in various host countries. For more than half a century, as many as 230,000 people from all 50 states of the United States have joined the Peace Corps (PEACE CORPS, 2019, p.32). The people of the host countries, who they affect, are countless. The backgrounds and majors of Peace Corps volunteers are diversified, along with the projects in the host country, so they affect people in different fields. Students, teachers, doctors, farmers and other people in the host countries are all likely to be the volunteers’ exchange targets. Peace Corps volunteers have a three-month preservice training in the host countries. And the service period is as long as two years. They have plenty of time to communicate with the local people.
Second, the Peace Corps volunteeers’ status in the host country helps them maintain a symmetrical attitude when communicating with local people. The Peace Corps volunteers’ work in the host countries does not easily have a considerable impact on the overall development of the host countries. But they enter the host countries to serve the local area in the name of aiding. In addition, they generally have specific jobs and do not ask for remuneration from the locals or the host countries. Conversely, local people are more willing to communicate with volunteers. Compared with American diplomats, they believe that these volunteers are truly willing to help, so they also show a friendly attitude toward them and provide assistance and support for their work. Sometimes, even when anti-American sentiment exists in a host country and Americans are expelled, Peace Corps volunteers are still respected by the local people and treated differently. For example, in 1965, the United States sent troops to interfere brutally in the internal affairs of the Dominican Republic and support the pro-American regime that was overthrown, which aroused strong anger among the Dominican people. While they chanted "Yanks, get out," they added "Peace Corps volunteers, can stay." (SCHWARZ, 1991, p. 73).
Additionally, the information flow between the volunteers and the locals tends to be two-way and balanced as a result of the cultural adaption tactics used by the volunteers in the host nations. In their daily lives, volunteers use integration tactics that encourage assimilation. Because volunteers often adopt a separation-biased integration strategy in their work, local people are better able to communicate with and demonstrate their social culture to volunteers. This enables local people to feel that volunteers respect their culture and allows them to avoid feeling threatened by a dominant position. The strategy of religious segregation can help locals and volunteers feel more at ease.
Returned volunteers of the Peace Corps also generally believe that their service in the host countries has greatly improved the image of the United States around the world. According to the 2011 survey report, 93% of the returned volunteers believe that their work has improved the image of the United States in the world; 21% believe that the personal relationships between Peace Corps volunteers and the people of the host countries help promote mutual understanding, appreciation and respect; and 12% believe that Peace Corps has improved the national security of the United States by promoting an atmosphere of understanding between different cultures (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 24).
It is worth noting that the influence of volunteers on American diplomacy is not limited to cultural diplomacy. When volunteers return to the United States, they become important in terms of intellectual support for American diplomacy, which they have an impact on from all sides. The United States has always attached importance to using returned volunteers to serve in the US government. Kennedy once said to a group of Peace Corps volunteers who are about to start missions in host countries: "I hope that when you come back, we can persuade you to serve in other departments of the US government, especially the foreign affairs department" (HOOPES, 1966, p. 126). When the first batch of Peace Corps volunteers, who served overseas, returned to the United States in 1963, Kennedy also issued Presidential Executive Order No. 11103, stipulating that returned volunteers have priority in appointment as American civil servants. Volunteers returning from the Peace Corps still enjoy the priority in civil service appointments of the federal government (PEACE CORPS, 2019, p. 38).
Many of the returned volunteers work in the federal government or in foreign-related departments or agencies. In fact, as many as 12% of the volunteers’ first batch, who returned to the United States from the Peace Corps, went to work in the federal government. Most of them go to foreign-related departments or agencies, such as the Peace Corps, the Agency for International Development, the US Information Agency and the US State Department (HOOPES, 1966, p. 214). In 1967, the Peace Corps counted more than 7,000 returned volunteers’ whereabouts. It was found that 335 people worked for the Peace Corps (administrative staff), 134 people worked for the International Development Agency, 25 people worked for the US State Department, 19 people worked for the US Information Agency and ten people worked for the US Congress (PEACE CORPS, 1967, p. 75). In 1985, 10% of the staff recruited by the US State Department came from Peace Corps returnees. The number of returned volunteers in the US Department of State and the Agency for International Development exceeded 1,000 (LIU, 2009, p. 159). In 2009, the inaugural Peace Corps returnees of the federal government included two US Assistant Secretaries of State and 14 US ambassadors abroad (MEISLER, 2011, p. 204).
Returned volunteers can bring more reliable intellectual support to American diplomacy. After returning to the United States, many returned volunteers entered the US government, think tanks and media. They influence US foreign policy through the driving mechanism of US diplomacy (WU; MEMON, 2022, p. 1; WU et al., 2020, p. 1). Lederer and Burdick (1959, p. 26) pointed out that diplomats in the United States, who do not know the local language of a host country and only have an academic understanding of local customs, beliefs, religions and humor, can only communicate with the very few local people who can communicate in English. In communication, the information they obtain is often one-sided or incorrect. Peace Corps volunteers not only understand the languages of the host countries but also have a deeper understanding of the society and culture of the host countries. Returned volunteers, entering the foreign-related departments of the US federal government, can have obvious intellectual advantages in the language and social-cultural cognition of developing countries. If they are sent to work in the host countries, where they have served, they will be able to communicate fully with the local people, thereby providing a more reliable basis for US foreign policy. Many returned volunteers believe that the service experience in host countries affects the former volunteers’ political or congressional careers, who served in foreign-related departments or the US Department of State, thereby affecting US foreign policy and national security (BRIDGELAND, 2011, p. 26).
Hence, the Peace Corps volunteers’ influence on American foreign policy is comprehensive. Dong (2012, p. 29) once divided the US diplomatic decision-making participants into the core tiers, including the president, presidential advisers, government departments and Congress; the various interest groups’ middle level, political parties and think tanks; and the outermost level, including voters, mass media and public opinion. Obviously, when Peace Corps volunteers return to the United States, they simultaneously have a comprehensive impact on the core, middle and outermost layers of American foreign policy decisions. Some returned volunteers serve in government departments after returning to the United States, and core decision-makers, including the President, formulate foreign policies, based on information about the host countries, brought back to the United States by volunteers. Returned volunteers come from various origins, work in a variety of professions, support a variety of political parties, and eventually join a variety of interest organizations. In order to increase Americans' understanding of the host countries, many volunteers also join various think tanks where they disseminate information on the social cultures of the host nations in a variety of ways.
CONCLUSION
The Peace Corps is a project that is in line with the US pragmatist diplomatic philosophy. It can bring benefits to US domestic development and serves US diplomacy well. The United States, which was once a British colony in history, is less likely to understand the vast number of third-world countries through colonial expansion than those European countries that were once maritime hegemons during the colonial expansion period. Enhancing the understanding of the Third World and improving the soft power of the United States have always been an important direction for the country. Kennedy's original intention in establishing the Peace Corps was to help the United States escape the disadvantage of an insufficient understanding of third-world countries (MEISLER, 2011, p. 8). Obviously, Peace Corps volunteers have been doing this very well. During their service, volunteers can learn foreign languages, local social and cultural knowledge, international perspectives, cultural awareness and a new understanding of American society and culture, all of which will spread to the entire American society through their role as the bridge. After returning to the United States, volunteers enter different areas of American society and have an impact on different industries and fields. Among them, education is the most obvious area of benefit. Peace Corps volunteers are practitioners of American cultural diplomacy. When they are in the host countries, they can reap significant soft power for the United States. And after returning to the United States, they comprehensively influence foreign policy decisions in all aspects.
COMO OS VOLUNTÁRIOS DO CORPO DA PAZ INFLUENCIAM OS ESTADOS UNIDOS: UMA ANÁLISE BASEADA NO PRAGMATISMO
Resumo: Do ponto de vista da filosofia diplomática pragmática, o Corpo da Paz pode beneficiar os Estados Unidos. É uma importante razão pela qual conseguiu receber apoio doméstico, nos Estados Unidos. Por meio da experiência de aculturação de voluntários, promove intercâmbios culturais entre os Estados Unidos e os países anfitriões, e aumenta a conscientização da sociedade americana sobre os países do Terceiro Mundo, que é o verdadeiro valor do Corpo da Paz, na perspectiva dos interesses americanos. Como membros da sociedade americana, os voluntários do Corpo de Paz obtêm, no país anfitrião, uma compreensão abrangente e profunda do Terceiro Mundo, o que não é apenas uma parte importante para melhorar a conscientização da sociedade americana sobre o Terceiro Mundo, mas também uma importante ponte para difundir essa consciência, nos Estados Unidos. Quando os voluntários retornarem aos Estados Unidos, depois de terminarem seu serviço, eles levarão sua compreensão do Terceiro Mundo para diferentes indústrias e campos da sociedade doméstica americana. Entre eles, a educação e a diplomacia americanas são as mais afetadas. Estes são de grande importância para melhorar a visão internacional e a conscientização da educação americana e a confiabilidade da política externa americana.
Palavras-chave: Corpo da Paz. Aculturação. Pragmatismo. Filosofia diplomática. Intercâmbios culturais
REFERENCES
ADAMS, A. V. The Peace Corps in Action. Illinois: Follett, 1964.
ARNDT, T. R. Rebuilding America's Cultural Diplomacy. Foreign Service Journal, v. 10, p. 39-43, 2006.
ASHABRANNER, B. A Moment in History: The First Ten Years of the Peace Corps. Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1971.
ASHABRANNER, B. A New Frontier: The Peace Corps in Eastern Europe. New York: Cobblehill Books, 1994.
BRIDGELAND, M. J. A Call to Peace: Perspectives of Volunteers on the Peace Corps at 50. Times News, v. 53, n. 3, p. 12-28, 2011.
CONRAD, R. Why Do We Serve? - Roger Conrad. Peace Corps Times, v. 3, p. 4, 2011.
CROSS, C. M. Self-Efficacy, and Cultural Awareness: A Study of Returned Peace Corps Teachers. 1998 (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation) – The Catholic University of America, Washington, DC, 1998. Available in: https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED429976. Accessed in: April 16th, 2021.
CULL, J. N. Public Diplomacy: Lessons from the past. Los Angeles: Figueroa, 2009.
DONG, X. Cultural Explanation of Diplomacy (Volume of USA). Beijing: Intellectual Property, 2012.
FINN, K. H. The Case for Cultural Diplomacy: Engaging Foreign Audiences. Foreign Affairs, v. 82, p. 15-20, 2003.
GLADE, W. Issues in the Genesis and Organization of Cultural Diplomacy: A Brief Critical History. The Journal of Arts Management, Law and Society, v. 39, n. 4, p. 240-259, 2009.
HOOPES, R. The Complete Peace Corps Guide. New York: The Dial, 1966.
HUNTINGTON, S. P. The Clash of Civilization? Foreign Affairs, v. 72, p. 22-49, 1993.
LEDERER, J. W.; BURDICK E. The Ugly American. London: Victor Gollancz, 1959.
LIU, G. Peace Corps and American Cultural Diplomacy. Academia Bimestrie, v. 3, p. 159-164, 2009.
LOWTHER, K.; LUCAS, P. C. Keeping Kennedy's Promise: The Peace Corps, Unmet Hope of the New Frontier. Boulder: Westview, 1978.
MARKS, F. W. John Foster Dulles: piety, pragmatism, and power in US foreign policy. Journal of American History, v. 87, n. 1, p. 283-298, 2000.
MEISLER, S. When the World Calls: The Inside Story of the Peace Corps and its First Fifty Years. Boston: Beacon, 2011.
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NYE, J. Soft Power: The Means of Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2004.
NYE, J. Soft Power. Foreign Policy, v. 80, p. 153-171, 1990.
PEACE CORPS. Peace Corps Congressional Presentation Fiscal Year 1968. Washington, D. C.: Peace Corps, 1967.
PEACE CORPS. A Legacy of Service and Compassion - Peace Corps Congressional Budget Justification Fiscal Year 2006. Washington DC: Peace Corps, 2006.
PEACE CORPS. The Peace Corps' Congressional Budget Justification Fiscal Year 2019. Washington, DC: Peace Corps, 2019.
RADELET, H. C. Why Do We Serve? - Deputy Director Carrie Hessler - Radelet. Peace Corps Times, 2011.
RICE, T. G. The Bold Experiment: JFK's Peace Corps. Indiana: University of Notre Dame, 1985.
SCHNEIDER, P. C. Cultural Diplomacy: Hard to Define, But You'd Know It If You Saw It. Brown Journal of World Affairs, v. 13, p. 191-203, 2006.
SCHWARZ, K. What You Can Do for Your Country: An Oral History of the Peace Corps. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1991.
SEARLES, D. P. The Peace Corps Experience: Challenge and Change, 1969-1976. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1997.
SHRIVER, S. Point of the Lance. New York: Harper & Row, 1964.
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Annotated Bibliography of Peace Corps Writers' Books in the Library of Congress. Washington-DC: Library of Congress, 2011.
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Received: 29/07/2022
Aprroved: 27/09/2022
Comment on “How peace corps volunteers influence the United States: an analysis based on pragmatism”
Commented Article: YE, Long; LIAO, Zhihua; YU, Yuanyuan Yu. How peace corps volunteers influence the United States: an analysis based on pragmatism. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 185- 204, 2023.
From the perspective of pragmatism, the article is based on the Peace Corps officials and volunteers’ monographs, memoirs, official documents and investigation reports. Ye et. al. (2023) analyze the impact of the cultural adaptation experience of the host country on the Peace Corps volunteers, as well as the Peace Corps volunteers’ impact on the Chinese society and diplomacy of the United States, to fully understand the significance of Peace Corps to the United States (Title “How Peace Corps volunteers influence the United States: an analysis based on pragmatism”).
Peace Corps is a foreign aid agency established by the Kennedy Administration for third-world countries and regions, which is regarded as the symbol of the foreign policy of the Kennedy Admininstration. It aims to help recipient countries achieve development and enter the ranks of modernization early by providing medium human resources as its assistance content.
When the idea of the Peace Corps was first put forward, it was warmly responded to by the Chinese people and other countries and thus rapidly developed to its peak in the 1960s. Later, affected by its shortcomings and the change of the US foreign strategy and other factors, the Peace Corps merged with the organization “Volunteers Serving the United States” into a “volunteer action” organization during the Nixon Administration, losing its independent status and experiencing a depression period of more than ten years. Reagan restored the independent status of the Peace Corps and expanded its financial budget after he became President of the United States (ARNDT, 2006, p. 39). The United States government has begun to focus on and develop the Peace Corps again. Today, the Peace Corps has a history of more than 60 years, covering more than 60 countries and regions around the world, and has made fruitful achievements in the recipient countries, both locally and internationally.
Through technical help, the Peace Corps attempts to lay the groundwork for future initiatives. A substantial number of returned Peace Corps volunteers have penetrated all facets of American culture, exerting diverse influences. After returning home, an increasing number of volunteers choose to continue working for nonprofit organizations. This enables many returning volunteers in the United States to continue utilizing the work methods and abilities they acquired in their host nation (CROSS, 1998, p. 31). These volunteers share their experiences with the people they meet in their posts. Their experience in the Peace Corps has improved international and cultural awareness and it is important for solving problems and influencing the people and society around them.
Returned volunteers share their service experience in the host country, and families are the most common target. This sharing method not only enables their families to have a deeper understanding of the social culture of the host country but also attracts them to join the Peace Corps and achieve sustainable results. During their service in the host country, the Peace Corps volunteers won the hearts of the United States hearts through friendly exchanges with the local people, thus gaining soft power. They are important practitioners of American cultural diplomacy. Moreover, after returning to the United States, they continued to provide high-quality talents and intellectual support for the traditional diplomacy and cultural diplomacy of that country.
The Peace Corps volunteers’ volunteer status in the host country helps them maintain a symmetrical attitude when communicating with local people. The volunteers’ work in the host country is not easy to have a considerable impact on the overall development of the host country. Still, they enter the host country to serve the locals in the name of assistance (HUNTINGTON, 1993, p. 22). In addition, due to the cultural adaptation strategies adopted by volunteers in the host country, the information exchange between volunteers and local people is often two-way and balanced. Volunteers adopt integration strategies conducive to assimilation in their daily life. Local people feel that volunteers respect their culture, so they are more willing to communicate and show their social culture to volunteers. These ones often adopt an integration strategy biased towards separation so that the local people can fully understand the American work style and cultural characteristics without being challenged by the dominant position. The strategy of religious separation can further alleviate the local people and volunteers’ worries.
In the actual implementation process, the Peace Corps also exposed its shortcomings, which mainly include that the policies jointly formulated by the government and universities for the recipient countries are not consistent with the actual situation of the recipient countries. The aid work is difficult to be carried out smoothly and effectively (PEACE, 1967, p. 67). After entering the recipient country, the volunteers encountered a strong impact of foreign cultures, which harmed the smooth implementation of the work and personal mentality.
Undoubtedly, in the early days of the Peace Corps, the American government and the Chinese people achieved a good rapport. As a new and meaningful policy, the Peace Corps aroused the American people’s enthusiasm as soon as it was put forward. The great attention of the goverment and the people´s passionate pursuit have united the two ones closely. “Many Americans, especially young people, are eager to see whether American affairs overseas can be handled better than those described in The Ugly American, and are willing to participate in the task of ‘advancing the United States’.”
In general, the exchange between the volunteers and the local people can affect people in different fields over a long period. They are asymmetric in personnel flow but symmetrical in information flow and communication attitude. In other words, the Peace Corps volunteers can bring ideal cultural diplomacy effects to the United States.
Returning volunteers, who enter the foreign affairs division of the federal government of the United States, may have academic advantages in the language and socio-cultural understanding of emerging nations. If they are sent to the country in which they served, they will be able to communicate effectively with the locals and provide a more reliable foundation for U.S. foreign policy. Numerous returning volunteers believe that their service experience in the host country has influenced the former volunteers’ political or congressional careers, who served in relevant foreign affairs departments or the United States Department of State, thereby impacting the foreign policy and national security of the United States. Therefore, the Peace Corps volunteers have a comprehensive influence on US foreign policy.
The basic goal of the Kennedy administration in establishing the Peace Corps is to help the recipient countries achieve social development and local progress. The ultimate goal is to “modernize the recipient countries” (that is, modernize the United States as the standard) and leads the recipient countries in “social and cultural change”. At the same time, the Kennedy government also hoped that the appearance of the Peace Corps could alleviate other negative evaluations caused by the bad behaviors of the United States, such as political intervention and war in the world. Similarly, in Southeast Asia, the Peace Corps will exert such influence (PEACE, 1967, p. 104). The Peace Corps has indeed achieved some early successes in Southeast Asia, but these successes are limited to short-term objectives such as infrastructure development. Due to the time-sensitive nature of the majority of the objectives of the Peace Corps for recipient nations, its final function is impossible to be fulfilled in a few short years. As for the political hopes of the Kennedy administration for the Peace Corps, due to some of its faults and the anti-Americans’ boycott, the government lost its independent position as an institution until the end of the 1960s, and the Peace Corps did not accomplish the desired outcomes.
Peace Corps was a measure implemented by the Kennedy administration during the Cold War to export the American model of democracy and social development and expand the camp of the free world. It uses slogans such as “democracy, freedom and development” to connect the American people with the government so that the United States can unite in a strong idealistic atmosphere (RICE, 1985, p. 286). However, in Southeast Asia, a contradiction-prone region, the Peace Corps gradually became vulnerable under the test of a complex reality. The volunteers also had conflicts and opposition with the government. Looking back on the history of the Peace Corps in Southeast Asia in the 1960s, it can be found that, except for some successes in infrastructure construction, the Peace Corps in Southeast Asia did not give full play to the high expectations of the American government on the cold war policy in Southeast Asia and the future development of this region, that is, “[…] leading local cultural changes and realizing modernization”, nor did it improve the image of the United States in the minds of anti-American people. Due to its failure to play an adequate role, it was in great trouble in the later period (SCHNEIDER, 2006, p. 191). This institution encountered essential reform after the Nixon Administration came to power in the late 1960s (WU, 2022, p. 1).
After Blanchford, the commander in chief of the Peace Corps, reformed it during the Nixon administration, the Peace Corps gradually changed from idealism to pragmatism, and its cold war color also gradually weakened. Today, the Peace Corps has also made remarkable achievements in the world. However, the current peace corps is still an important way for the United States to export its own culture to foreign countries. Therefore, the status and role of the Peace Corps in today’s US foreign policy cannot be underestimated, and its actual role must be tested over time.
ReferenceS
ARNDT, T. R. Rebuilding America’s Cultural Diplomacy. Foreign Service Journal, v. 10, p. 39-43, 2006.
CROSS, C. M. Self-Efficacy, and Cultural Awareness: A Study of Returned Peace Corps Teachers. 1998 (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation) – The Catholic University of America, Washington, DC, 1998.
HUNTINGTON, S. P. The Clash of Civilization? Foreign Affairs, v. 72, p. 22-49, 1993.
PEACE CORPS. Peace Corps Congressional Presentation Fiscal Year 1968. Washington, D. C.: Peace Corps, 1967.
RICE, T. G. The Bold Experiment: JFK’s Peace Corps. Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1985. p. 286-289.
SCHNEIDER, P. C. Cultural Diplomacy: Hard to Define, But You’d Know It If You Saw It. Brown Journal of World Affairs, v. 13, p. 191-203, 2006.
WU, D.; MEMON, H. Public Pressure, Environmental Policy Uncertainty, and Enterprises’ Environmental Information Disclosure. Sustainability, v. 14, p. 1-18, 2022.
YE, Long; LIAO, Zhihua; YU, Yuanyuan Yu. How peace corps volunteers influence the United States: an analysis based on pragmatism. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 185- 204, 2023.
Received: 12/12/2022
Approved: 20/12/2022
Mao Zedong’s thought and the construction of socialist ideology[35]
Abstract: The 70-year practice of New China shows that our party has, permanently, attached importance and strengthened the leadership of ideological work, which is an essential factor for the Chinese nation to achieve the leap from standing, wealthy to powerful, and consolidate continuously the ruling position of the party. The successive leadership collectives of the party have explored and innovated the theory of socialist ideology in different periods of the history of China in light of the international and domestic situation, providing the CPC with a scientific theoretical basis and action guidelines for breaking through ideological barriers in its long-term rule. Mao Zedong made significant historical contributions to explore the road to new Chinese socialism, institutional design, theoretical innovation and ideological construction. The purpose of this study is to combine the basic principles of Marxism with the specific reality of China, creatively put forward the basic principles and basic directions of national ideology construction, and systematically elaborate the essential connotation, guiding ideology, primary objectives, fundamental nature and realization path of socialist ideology construction. This study shows that the first theoretical leap of the localization of Marxist ideology in China has laid a solid foundation to build a scientific and complete country and a scientific and complete national ideology system.
Keywords: Mao Zedong. Political Institutions. Socialist Ideology. Marxism-Leninism.
1 CONNOTATION OF SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY
Tracy introduced the concept of ideology in 1797, combining the Greek words "Eidos" and "Logos" to mean the empirical science of ideas. This concept is an essential development of epistemology and has a sociological and political significance because of its intellectual connection with the Enlightenment, reflecting a progressive idea of liberal revolution by historical development.
Since then, German philosophers such as Hegel, Feuerbach and Powell, have enriched and developed the theory of ideology (SONG, 1998, p. 255). In analyzing and criticizing German ideology in-depth, Marx founded and developed the theory of historical materialism and gradually formed the Marxist theory of ideology. Marx and Engels pointed out, in The German Ideology, that ideology refers to the ideology of the ruling class that dominates in every era It is the conceptual reflection and expression of the existing economic relations, an essential part of the existing social system and social relations, and an integral part of the existing ruling relations (TIAN, 1991, p. 1439). In the Communist Manifesto, the Introduction to the Critique of Political Economy, and later works, Marx also proposed that ideology is the system of ideas that, systematically, consciously and directly, reflects the economic form and political system of society and is the part of the conceptual superstructure that constitutes the forms of social consciousness.
From the perspective of ideological work, ideology is mainly divided into two kinds: one is the extension of the dominant material and economic relations in the field of thought, that is, the dominant ideological system of the ruling class. The reality expressed in China, as the mainstream ideology, is the socialist ideology. The other one is the reality of the state of existence of non-dominant "concepts system," that is, non-mainstream ideology. Mainstream ideology and non-mainstream ideology are essentially systems of ideas and concepts which belong to the superstructure Both of which have mainstream and non-mainstream ideologies due to the subject or carrier’s different status in the social domination. History and reality have repeatedly proved that a political party, seizing power to govern, often begins with the establishment of guiding ideology and ideological discourse. The disintegration of a regime is also, oftenly, marked by the breakdown of the position of public opinion and the loss of ideological dominance (MARX, 2020, p. 56). In this sense, the front line of political security is the ideological field, and the ideological conflict is political and doctrinal. Both political issues and the underlying principles of the economy are intimately intertwined. The conflict over ideologies frequently evolves into a political conflict and, in the end, a conflict over political power.
Engels pointed out that a "socialist society" is not static. In the great cause of promoting socialism with Chinese characteristics, the connotation of socialist ideology is constantly enriched and developed with the vivid practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is highly condensed in the guiding ideology of the party, presenting a dynamic collection (WANG, 1996, p. 194). When socialism with Chinese characteristics is advancing into a new era, socialist ideology is centrally embodied in Xi Jinping's thought of socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era.
2 Analysis of Socialist Ideology
Socialist ideology is a relatively independent system having relatively separate fundamental components that work together to form a complete system. The fundamental structure of socialist ideology is a balanced relationship. But it is a three-dimensional network of interactions in which "one element dominates numerous aspects". It is made of a core and multiple elements, according to the definition and characterization of ideology. The contradictory movement of one core and multiple elements becomes the inner driving force for socialist ideology to stay alive. Among them, one core refers to the inner circle. Multiple elements include the middle circle and the outer circle according to the relationship with the inner circle. The rules are the whole of the central diffraction and vertical and horizontal interaction.
2.1 Inner circle
The inner circle is a central system reflecting the essential attributes, core theory, core objectives, core values, core themes and subjects. In the inner circle of socialist ideology, the core theory is the scientific theoretical system of Marxism, which provides logical arguments, doctrinal basis and cognitive foundation for the legitimacy of socialist ideology. The core goal is the pursuit of objectives in line with the theoretical basis, i.e., to realize the lofty ideal of communism, including the realization of socialist society at the primary stage and communist society at the advanced stage. The core value is the value system constructed for the realization of the goal, which mainly reflects the core theme and the core subject. The core values are the value system constructed to achieve the goals, mainly involving ideological concepts, political views, moral norms, etc., which provide ideological guarantee and spiritual impetus for the construction of socialist ideology. The core themes are the stage tasks around the core theories, core goals and core values. They are fully integrated with the demands of the times, which are in the primary or key position in a particular historical period, and are the grasp of solving the main social contradictions and the main aspects of the contradictions in a certain period (CHEN, 1991, p. 663). The core subject is the leading force in making the above core contents come true. The proletarian party and the proletarian working people led by it are the core subject of socialist ideology. The consolidation of the status of the core subject and the cultivation of its ability directly affect the effectiveness of socialist ideology construction and development.
The proletarian political party is a strong leadership core to realize the people's dominant position. The proletariat can continuously realize the people's dominant position only by establishing the proletarian political party and adhering to its leadership.
The mastery and use of the core subject's leadership, discourse and management of ideology are related to the security of the ideological field.
2.2 Middle circle
The middle circle is the conceptual and practical movement surrounding the core circle, which is an entire field to stimulate the recognition of the core elements in a wider context and so increase the capacity of the core circle capacity for absorption. In contrast to ideologies that exist in a vacuum, socialist ideologies evolve with people's living conditions, their social interactions, and their social existence. The essential impetus behind the evolution of socialist ideology is this conflicting movement. In the middle circle of socialist ideology, three key elements are discourse, media, and public opinion. First, as the carrier of ideology, discourse has the most direct function of expression and explanation. Discourse expression and interpretation explains the "what" and "why" so that the core elements can be accepted, transformed into identity and turned into practice. Second, the media here refers to information dissemination tools in a narrow sense, including communication, broadcasting and network, which play a role in disseminating and accepting socialist ideology. Especially in the cyber, the relationship among the core elements of ideology is changing, and how the core subject can keep the core theory, core goal, core value, and core theme alive in cyberspace is an ongoing ideological issue. Focusing on the Internet as the "largest increment," the CPC proposes to pay attention to the Internet as the central front, the main battlefield and the forefront of ideological struggle to strengthen the leadership and management of the Internet. Thirdly, public opinion, as the sum of social psychology, social attitudes and social opinions, plays a role in reflecting and judging the status of ideology and its influence. It may become a "booster" to consolidate its status or a "separator" to dissipate its influence (YURDAKUL, 2018, p. 1). The power of public opinion must not be underestimated. The discourse, media and public opinion elements of the middle circle of socialist ideology gradually evolve into the mastery of socialist ideological discourse, dominance and management in the mutual integration with the elements of the inner hoard.
2.3 Extensive circle
The epiphenomenal circle is a mechanical system to ensure that the intermediate circle effectively serves the delicate operation of the kernel circle and provides a mechanism guarantee for the self-improvement, continuous consolidation and sustainable development of socialist ideology. The extended sphere of socialist ideology mainly includes various aspects such as education mechanism, work mechanism, security mechanism, responsibility mechanism and normalization and long-term mechanism. It carries out multiple activities of serving socialist practice such as education practice, work practice, security maintenance practice and responsibility implementation practice of ideology according to the law of evolution and development of ideology (MARX, 2020, p.59). The function of the internal components of socialist ideology is determined by these interconnected systems, which also impact and interact with one another. Among these, the national education system, which views ideology education as a crucial component of national education and creates a more organized ideology education chain, is where the ideology education mechanism is most clearly shown. In general, socialist ideology education aims to "identify with, love, and serve socialism" through educational and instructive activities. The mechanism of ideological work is mainly reflected in the connection and integration with national economic and social undertakings, i.e., how to deal with the relationship between "ideological work" and "central work" and ensure that they promote each other in organic integration. The ideological security mechanism is mainly designed to address the national security issues arising from the ideological struggle. The socialist ideological security is directly related to the realization of a socialist regime, socialist state interests and socialist people's rights and interests. The ideological responsibility mechanism mainly emphasizes the implementation of responsibilities for ideological education, work and security maintenance (LI, 1999, p. 109). In the process of building the responsibility mechanism of socialist ideology in China, it is emphasized that leading cadres at all levels should effectively assume political responsibility and leadership, improve the responsibility system of ideological work and form a pattern of the whole party to take action and grasp propaganda and ideological work. It shall promote the formation of socialist ideology normalization and long-term mechanism, aimed at promoting the above mechanism to play a continuous role, not only in the mirror image of the air to form a "constant" state, but also in the longitudinal axis of time to form a "long-term success" of the situation, and resolutely guard the ideological position and defense line (CHEN, 1991, p. 855).
2.4 The interaction between socialist ideological structures and economic and political institutions
As an active reflection of the economic base at the conceptual level, the inner structure of ideology must be closely related to the economic structure. On the one hand, the economic structure determines the ideological structure. The internal elements of the economic structure and its sequence of elements directly determine the interrelationship of the internal elements of the ideological structure and the form of the relationship. When the structure of the socialist public economy is adjusted, socialist ideology can only make adaptive adjustments in order to promote the synergistic development of both. On the other hand, the ideological structure reacts to the economic structure (THOMPSON, 2019, p. 102). When elements of the internal structure of ideology change in sequence or evolve in a relationship, it often metaphorically indicates that is necessary to pay attention to specific social needs and certain social problems need to be solved. Thus pointing to certain interest relations that need to be adjusted, forcing the innovation of unreasonable components in the economic structure, or even breaking down the barriers of old interest relations.
Because of this, we should not only do a good job on the central work and give ideological work a strong material foundation, but also do a good job on ideological work and give the central work a strong guarantee; we should neither neglect ideological work because of the central work nor cause ideological work to diverge from the central work. Political and ideological structures are intrinsically intertwined, and there is a tight natural relationship between them. Marx and Engels pointed out that a class is the dominant material force in society and at the same time the dominant spiritual force in society. It can be said that ideology provides a systematic system of conceptual values for political subjects. Their political practices achieve certain political purposes with the help of the state apparatus by playing the functions of ideology, such as defense, integration, support and guidance. The role of the elements of the internal structure of ideology will directly affect the elements of the political structure and their role. If the ideological structure is stable, that is, if the internal elements form a benign interaction and normal operation, the political structure will be relatively stable. If there is a disorder within the ideological structure, the political structure is bound to make adjustments. The adjustment of the political structure may be both the result of the adjustment of the ideological structure and the cause of the adjustment of the ideological result. Both ones are causally related to each other to promote and consolidate the development of the state power (WU, 2016, p. 37). Therefore, ideological issues should be treated from the height of political security to prevent changing course. The banners, especially the ones of the socialist countries, should avoid falling victim to "color revolution" and "peaceful evolution" due to the loss of ideological defense.
3 The process of building socialist ideology in China
For ease of reading, the references of the citations must be in the body of the text, not in the footnotes. Furthermore, they must be described in the descriptive style, not in the IDEM or IBIDEM style. Through continuous exploration, we have deepened the understanding and application of Marxist ideological theory, strengthened the combination of Marxist ideology with specific national conditions of China, and continuously promoted the multidimensional development of Chinese socialist ideology. According to the chronological order, the incredible process of ideological construction in the past 70 years can be divided into six stages.
3.1 1949-1956 was the initial stage of socialist ideology construction
The "anti-imperialist and anti-revisionist" movement was carried out during the socialist revolution to critique bourgeois idealism and develop a national ideology dominated by Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong’s Thought. Leading or promoting the propag.ation of Marxism-Lenism and Mao Zedong’s Thought (including the propagation of patriotism) and leading or promoting the criticism of anti-Marxist ideas were categorically stated as being an important task of ideological construction by the Communist Party of China. To this end, a great deal of targeted work was carried out to enable the people to truly understand and master the Marxist position, methods, views and to establish a correct worldview, outlook on life and values. Through a series of ideological transformations, propaganda and education activities, socialist ideology was recognized in the whole society (KULL, 2019, p. 21). At this stage, the establishment of the socialist system was accompanied by the realization of the initial construction of socialist ideology. Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong’ Thought were elevated to the ideology of the socialist state and became the common values and the code of conduct of the party and the people’s.
3.2 1956-1976 was the tortuous integration stage of socialist ideology construction
After the completion of the socialist transformation in 1956, the CPC calmly considered the problem of ideological construction, closely integrated Marxism with the national and party conditions, and put forward a series of creative ideological construction ideas. For example, in response to the change of the main social contradiction, it emphasized that ideological construction should serve the central work of economic construction. The "Double Hundred Policy" became the guideline for socialist ideological construction. It attached great importance to ideological and political work, maintained and consolidated the dominant position of Marxism in the field of ideology. The "Six Political Standards" were used to judge whether people's words and deeds were in line with Marxism and to help the people arm their minds. At this stage, ideological construction was a tortuous development of intertwining wrong and right. However, the socialist nature of ideological construction of China remained unchanged, and the fundamental guiding position of Marxism remained unchanged too (XI, 2020, p. 341). The ideological construction of the Party during this period rapidly achieved the remarkable efficacy of integrating society and fully established and consolidated the monolithic guiding position of Marxism in the ideological life of the country.
3.3 1976-1981 was the stage of setting things right in the construction of socialist ideology
At the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Party, "economic construction as the center" replaced "class struggle as the program," and ideological construction began to focus closely on economic construction. The important task of ideological construction in the new period of reform and opening up is to "combine the general principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought with the concrete practice of socialist modernization and develop them under new historical conditions." (XI, 2020, p. 341). After that, "adhering to the four basic principles" became the bottom line of ideological construction of China and forcefully countered various attempts to vilify and blacken socialism and Marxism. At the same time, a series of ideological struggles against the "left" and the "right" was carried out in response to a number of historical legacy issues. At this stage, the erroneous ideas of the Cultural Revolution were criticized and cleaned up. A "return to the true Marxism" was achieved, which became a historic turning point in ideological construction. This became a historic turning point in ideological construction.
3.4 1981-1992 was the stage of transformation and reshaping of socialist ideology
The Twelfth Party Congress in 1982 clearly pointed out that "combining the universal truths of Marxism with the specific reality of China, taking our own path and building socialism with Chinese characteristics." Since then, "socialism with Chinese characteristics" has become the theme of ideological construction in the new era. By deepening the understanding of the market economy, the ideological construction in China ensures the correct direction of a socialist market economy, maintains the stability of the political environment and plays a political function. At the same time, it advocates economic values with fairness and efficiency as the core and organically unifies the consciousness of socialism and the spontaneity of the market economy to promote the liberation and development of productive forces and the orderly development of the socialist market economy.
3.5 1992-2012 was the innovative stage of socialist ideology construction
The new development stage emphasized the strengthening of ideological construction, especially the construction of spiritual civilization. We will carry out extensive and long-lasting mass spiritual civilization creation activities, actively advance socialist culture, strengthen the ideological and political work of the entire society, and raise the ideological and moral standards of the entire country by effectively increasing our investment in the development of spiritual civilization. We will always adhere to the monolithic guiding position of Marxism in the field of ideology and will not engage in the pluralism of guiding ideologies. In the 21st century, the Party Central Committee has put forward the scientific development concept. Hold on to the human orientation of ideological construction, fully highlighting the fundamental interests and subjectivity of the people. Respecting the value pursuit of the diversity of social subjects, it pursues economic development and comprehensive, coordinated and sustainable development in all aspects of politics, culture, society and ecology. At this stage, the CPC has constantly summarized practical experience and promoted theoretical innovation, forming a series of important theoretical achievements. For example, it enriches the connotation and extension of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and makes the construction of Chinese socialist ideology more systematic and perfect. On the basis of inheriting the Marxist ideology construction theory, the CPC has carried out a bold exploration of the socialist ideology construction of China: it has promoted the strategic position of ideological work.
3.6 2012 Socialist ideological construction entered a new stage of comprehensive deepening
Since the 18th Party Congress, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era of development. In the context of the new era, socialist ideological construction has also emerged a series of "new" to meet the needs of the times, including new positioning, new tasks, new systems, new means, and so on.
At this stage, the focus on ideological construction includes the construction of the main body, theoretical construction, practical strategies and institutional construction. For example, in response to the "four risks" and "four challenges," the ideological team should be strengthened to enhance the sense of responsibility and mission. According to the social reality of informatization and networking, we should strengthen the construction of network ideology, especially the content construction of network ideology. In response to the rapid development of the "all-media," the variety and complexity of the propaganda platform focus on mutual assistance and cooperation of all sectors of society, the formation of a social propaganda system, mastering the main ideological positions and the main battlefield. A new era of socialist ideology with Chinese characteristics, that is harmonious with China and abroad and rich in authority should be built. A new era of socialist ideology with Chinese characteristics that is harmonious with China, besides being abroad and rich in authority, should be built. At the moment, the direction of the ideological construction of China is determined by the conditions of the world, the nation and the party. We should understand the new situation and new challenges and work to find new breakthroughs and new methods that are multidimensional and enterprising.
4 Mao's new understanding of the characteristics of socialist ideology
The first is intra-people, i.e., the recognition of the fundamental change in the nature of socialist social contradictions and the consequent change in the usual usage of the ruling class to deal with social contradictions under private ownership. In view of the problems exposed by the Soviet Union in the construction of socialist ideology and its impact on the "Polish-Hungarian affair," Mao pointed out that after the establishment of the socialist system, the "internal contradictions of the people" that used to be concealed by the acute enemy struggle among us, became increasingly "be noticed". people's ideology should therefore change accordingly and not "shrink from social contradictions and be in a passive position," i.e., not be surprised or dwell on whether there are contradictions and mistakes in socialist construction, but face up to these contradictions and avoid, as far as possible, making the same mistakes again. To this end, on the one hand, we must admit that there are still contradictions in socialist society. To deny the existence of contradictions is to deny materialistic dialectics. Stalin's mistake was his long-standing failure to admit that contradictions still exist underthe socialist system. On the other hand, we recognize that mistakes are inevitable in socialist construction because "the realization of communism is an unprecedentedly great and unprecedentedly difficult undertaking". And to engage in socialism in a backward capitalist country or a country that has just emerged from a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, the Communists can be said to be walking on a path that no one has ever walked before. It is inevitable to run into walls and make mistakes in the process of exploring the way. The key lies in not repeating the mistakes of their predecessors as far as possible.
Mao Zedong thought that in order to address this issue, the CPC, the central organization guiding the socialist revolution and construction of Chima, needed to change the way it operated and its approach to solve problems. Mao Zedong thought that these changes should primarily be made by correcting erroneous ideologies. Mao Zedong emphasized that, during the socialist construction period, the primary conflict in society had shifted from the prior one, which was based on the people’s internal contradiction, to one, which was based on the contradiction between the enemy and us. Therefore, the mass class struggles of the past, which were of the rapid and stormy type, were basically over, and the majority of the party and government cadres should not only not confuse the contradictions between the enemy and us with the people’s internal contradictions, but should also learn to handle the people’s internal contradictions correctly. To understand the nature of the ideological problems, the people's internal arguments can only be solved by democratic methods, only by the methods of discussion, criticism, persuasion, and education, but not by coercive, subdued methods to solve.
The second is criticality, i.e., being conscious of and paying sufficient attention to the socialist ideology as a weapon of criticism. While the Stalin’s era objectively worsened the reputation of ideological construction in some respects, the Khrushchev’s era subjectively diluted the ideology.
For a long time, in order to suppress this and promote the other, people have referred to the wholesale rejection of socialist ideology in the Stalinist era by Khrushchev and some scholars as critical, while the criticism of various schools of thought in the Stalinist era and the breaking up of ideology in the Maoist era are summarized as "struggling." This distinction, in fact, presupposes the positive image of "criticality" and the label of "struggle" as cruel and backward. The question is not whether it is "critical" and constructive, but rather what to criticize and what to construct, and whether this criticism and construction are consistent with the direction of historical trends (FRANCIS; DAVID, 2019, p. 43). For this reason, Mao talked about his reasons for critiquing or defending the construction of ideology.
It is defensive, i.e., openly asserting the rationality of socialist ideology to reflect and serve objective reality. For one thing, out of the theoretical self-consciousness of historical materialism and the historical self-consciousness of social development, Mao recognized that socialist ideology, as a conceptual superstructure, should and must serve the socialist economic construction, saying that "ideology is a reflection of objective reality and serves the economic base." In modern Chinese history, the democratic revolution was successful after a long period of defense and spiritual preparation in the field of ideology. Therefore, it is also proper that socialist ideology is defensive and that it plays its defensive role. Secondly, ideology has a great role in promoting social production. For example, after the Rectification Movement in the mid- late1950s, the problem of the "three doctrines" (bureaucracy, sectarianism, and subjectivism) and the divergence of perceptions on the political and ideological fronts within the CCP were solved, and the enthusiasm of the masses for construction was thus heightened. The people's enthusiasm for construction was thus heightened. Mao thus concluded, "If the superstructure (which includes ideas and public opinion) protects the kind of relations of production that the people do not like, the people will have to reform it." (ZHANG, 2020, p. 26).
Mao Zedong explicitly demanded that socialist ideology defend and explain the necessity of socialist revolution and construction in order to better reflect and serve the objective reality of socialism. First, to explain what the achievements of socialist revolution and construction are; second, to determine why the socialist road should be taken; and third, to explain why socialist revolution and construction need the proletariat and the Communist Party. Last but not least, logic should be in order, both to critique incorrect and outdated notions and not to anticipate.
5 Contribution of Mao Zedong's thought to the construction of socialist ideology in China
(1) Mao Zedong was the founder of New China and the founder of the ideology of the new Chinese socialist state. As the pioneer and applicator of the Chineseization of Marxist ideology, Mao Zedong creatively put forward the basic principles and fundamental directions of combining the basic principles of Marxism with the concrete reality of China, laying a solid foundation for the development of modern Chinese society in shaping a scientific mainstream ideology. At the same time, he systematically proposed the essential connotation, guiding ideology, fundamental purpose, basic content and realization path of socialist ideology, forming a relatively complete set of scientific and effective political discourse systems based on the specific conditions of contemporary China and the characteristics of the times. And, finally, promoting the first theoretical leap of the Chineseization of Marxist ideology. Mao's thoughts and views on the construction of socialist ideology are still of great inspiration and guidance for the construction of socialist ideology with Chinese characteristics in the new era.
First, the essential connotation of ideological construction is clear: "Social ideology is theoretically recreating the real society." What position and role ideology should play in the whole process of social operation and development is an important question for any political strategist to think about. Mao Zedong developed and innovated Marxist ideological theory, especially the role of ideology in the structure of society, and gave a profound theoretical explanation.
On the one hand, he believed that ideology, as the expression of particular class interests, had a pivotal role in leading and guiding social change and revolutionary action. In order for modern China to emerge from its confusion, it must be guided by scientific truth. At this time, Marxism was introduced to China. Since then, "the Chinese have found Marxism-Leninism, a universal truth that is universally applicable, and the face of China has changed." Mao embraced Marxism, preached it, and intentionally used it to arm the Chinese people and lead the Chinese revolution with sober theoretical and political knowledge. He believed that the political leadership of ideas was unquestionably crucial to the success of the revolution. Mao made clear the political interpretation and defense function of ideology. Moreover, Mao believed that a certain ideology must always express the interests of a certain class and must provide rational explanations and arguments for the "why" and "wherefore" of this class.
On the other hand, Mao believed that ideology was not passively determined by the economic base. Under certain conditions, ideology could play a leading or even decisive role in social development. In other words, in a certain society, productivity is undoubtedly the decisive and most active factor, which manifests itself as a material force for changing reality. However, as the main body of productivity, people are adhering to certain conceptual guidelines and policies to determine their actions. At this time, ideology as a conceptual superstructure, i.e., certain conceptual guidelines and policies, in turn, becomes the main factor in determining human actions, which is the relative independence of ideology.
(2) The guiding ideology of ideological construction is explained: "The ideological and theoretical foundation that guides us is Marxism-Leninism." Under the guidance of Marxism, the Chinese people found a revolutionary path with Chinese characteristics, and the Chinese Revolution was ultimately victorious. It can be said that since its establishment, the CPC has clearly taken Marxism as a directional guide, used Marxism as a theoretical weapon to solve the real problems of China at that time, and applied Marxism to analyze the nature and future of the Chinese revolution, thus opening up a revolutionary path with Chinese characteristics. "The core force leading our cause is the Communist Party of China, and the ideological and theoretical basis guiding us is Marxism-Leninism," which was confirmed at the First National People's Congress held in September 1954, after the founding of New China, and was established in the form of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the fundamental law of the country The guiding ideology of ideology, which provides a solid institutional guarantee for the adherence and the development of the Chinese nation of Marxist ideology.
In Mao's view, Marxism-Leninism as an ideology was not only a direction for revolution and construction but also a spiritual food and ideological tool to guide the Chinese to transform the old China and build a new China actively. This spiritual food and ideological tool are based on the socialist system and are compatible with the socialist public economy. Just as bourgeois ideology serves capitalist society, any political power, political action and task require a certain ideology as an ideological tool. Marx created many doctrines, such as the doctrine of class struggle, the theory of party construction, the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the theory of literature and art, etc. These are all ideological tools that are used to "arm the masses" and guide revolutionary practice. These views emphasize the guiding and leading function of ideology and further clarify the practical nature of ideology.
(3) The fundamental purpose of ideological construction is established: "to serve the people and the socialist cause." A certain ideology reflects the interests and will of a certain class, and a particular ideology is always the expression of the interests and will of a certain class. A certain class or political group always establishes the legitimacy of its regime and explains the rationality of its behavior through ideology. Philosophy, as the essence of the spirit of the times, represents the dominant ideology of the times and serves the interests and will of a certain class. In this regard, Mao Zedong has pointed out that "[…] bourgeois philosophers are at the service of their current politics, and in every country, in every period, there are new theorists who put forward new theories." (MARX, 2020, p. 61). No matter how different the positions and views they hold or how similar the goals of the social construction they design are, the many theoretical systems and designs for social construction, that human society has seen so far, are all ideological arguments and defences based on the class interests they represent and the themes of the times they reflect. Both socialist and capitalist countries have this characteristic. Given that ideology has definite class characteristics, it is crucial to place a high value on ideological creation and make it clear who ideology is for and who it depends on.
According to Mao, any cultural or artistic work is embedded with a certain political stance and political line. The so-called super-class culture or art, or pure politics and pure art, do not exist in real life. "The place of the Party's literary work, in the Party's revolutionary work as a whole, is determined and arranged; it is subordinated to the revolutionary tasks set by the Party within a certain revolutionary period." (LI, 1999, p. 109). For this reason, Mao Zedong put forward the "two-for" idea of "literature and art serving politics" and "literature and art serving the workers, peasants and soldiers." This is because "[…] the new culture of China at this stage is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the people under the leadership of the proletariat. What is truly the people's culture must be led by the proletariat. What is led by the bourgeoisie cannot belong to the people's masses. This is the case with the new literature and art in the new culture."
It should be said that Mao Zedong's guiding ideology of "two for" in literary and artistic creation was an ideological construction goal in response to the political needs of the revolutionary war period, which was in line with the reality of the time. The 1982 Constitution clearly states that the fundamental purpose of socialist ideological construction is "[…] to serve the people and the socialist cause." The new formulation follows and inherits Mao Zedong’s basic ideas on ideological construction and can be regarded as an innovation and development of the theory of socialist ideological construction.
(4) The basic nature of ideological construction is proposed: "[…] to build a new national, scientific and popular culture of our own." Marxist ideology answers the questions of "for whom," "on whom," and "reflecting whom." Marxist ideology has no ambiguity in answering the questions of "for whom," "on whom," and "reflecting whom." Mao Zedong clearly realized that "[…] a certain culture (culture as a conceptual form) is a reflection of the politics and economy of a certain society, and gives great influence to and acts on the politics and economy of a certain society." Mao profoundly recognized that ideology is a reflection of political and economic society, and at the same time, ideology can provide ideological leadership and cultural leadership for economic development and political action, and thus shape the development form and development path of society. As early as the Chinese revolutionary war years, Mao Zedong proposed the concept and task of building a new democratic culture and socialist culture (ideology), which is another theoretical contribution to the Chineseization of Marxist ideology. In its essence, the so-called culture of new democracy is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the masses of the people led by the proletariat." (KULL, 2019, p. 34). Mao Zedong divided modern Chinese culture into "new" and "old," in fact, "old and new" itself was the dominant ideological discourse in that era. He took the May Fourth Movement as the dividing line between old and new Chinese culture. Before the May Fourth Movement, China was still in the period of the old democratic revolution and was part of the capitalist cultural revolution of the world bourgeoisie, so the culture at that time was of an old cultural nature. "After May Fourth, the Chinese revolution has undergone significant changes in the dynamics, main body, leading force and direction of the revolution. Its cultural nature belongs to the new culture. The "new" nature of the new culture is that it reflects the new democratic revolution and is a part of the cultural revolution of the world proletariat and socialism.
The essential nature of the new culture is "national, scientific, and popular culture." The so-called "national" culture means that the new culture we build should be guided by Marxism, genuinely inherit the excellent traditional Chinese culture, and combine it with the problems of the times faced by the Chinese nation to truly respond to the needs of national development (PENG, 1991, p. 64). Our nation has developed a new form of culture that comprehends and applies Marxism to the unique practises of contemporary China. As a result, it bears a distinct national identity and national stamp. The mission of this culture is to critique imperialism and colonial oppression. It is also a cultural ideology that asserts and affirms the dignity and independence of the Chinese nation. The so-called "scientific" culture means that the new culture must be guided by a scientific worldview and methodology, with scientific and advanced regular understanding as the main content, and with a scientific and rational spirit and attitude towards all things. China is influenced by the long feudal society and culture, and there are still many backward cultures with superstition, ignorance, decadence and vulgarity in the society, and even some corrupt cultures that corrupt people's spiritual world and endanger the cause of socialist revolution. Mao Zedong proposed that the construction of a new culture must be closely combined with the people’s Enlightenment and the development of their wisdom (MARX, 2020, p. 79). The first is to insist on seeking truth from facts and objective truth and oppose all feudal superstition; the second is to serve the people and guide their practice; the third is a culture that unites the people’s wisdom and can be tested by social practice. The new culture must originate from the people's social practice, and the people's social practice will, in turn, confirm the truthfulness of the culture. This process will become a common social ideal to inspire people of all nationalities. The so-called "popular" culture, that is, the new culture, is a culture that faces the people, relies on the people and serves the people.
Mao Zedong's idea of building a "national, scientific and popular culture" can be said to be another contribution to the development of the theory of socialist ideology construction. He still has real guiding significance in building a new socialist culture and promoting the great development and prosperity of our socialist culture.
(5) Mao Zedong also made fruitful explorations on how to carry out effectively the ideological construction work: "reforming our learning" and "carrying out a whole-party rectification campaign."
First of all, "transform our learning." The first thing to solve in the construction of Marxist ideology is the problem of theoretical armament, and the degree and effect of theoretical armament are directly related to the content, attitude and way of learning (XU, 1991, p. 756). In the early years of our party, we had little experience and understanding of ideological work and lacked ideological preparation and theoretical training. Coupled with the complex and changing revolutionary situation, our understanding of Marxism had great limitations. Before the Zunyi Conference, the Chinese Revolution had experienced two major setbacks and failures, both of which were related to insufficient theoretical preparation and the proliferation of non-proletarian ideas in the party. One was the failure of the revolution in 1927. Due to Chen Duxiu's right-leaning opportunist error, he put forward the "Second Revolution Theory," which led to the failure of the Communist Party. The setback and defeat made the CPC realize that it must strengthen its theoretical study and ideological struggle, truly and thoroughly master the theory and methods of Marxism-Leninism, and build the party into a fighting party, which required a Party-wide study campaign to arm Party members and cadres with the basic theory of Marxism.
In addition, Mao Zedong thought that learning, that was solely theoretical and did not concentrate on examining the current state of practise, investigation and application of Marxism-Leninism, was "pseudo" scientific and did not constitute a legitimate study and application of Marxism. He suggested that in order to improve our education, we must reject subjectivism, fight bookishness and do genuine research and investigation in order to understand the fundamental ideas of Marxism and the actual tangible reality of China. It should be said that Mao Zedong's approach to the study campaign within the party was an important practice and exploration in advancing the Chineseization of Marxist ideology. Through the study campaign, Marxist ideology was shaped into the belief system and ideal mission of the CPC, which in turn led to the historical orientation and value structure of the country (SHEN, 2016, p. 6). This was a great success in the construction of socialist ideology and established a shining example of ideological construction.
Secondly, the "Campaign for the Rectification of the Party and the Rectification of the Wind" was launched. The "Whole Party Rectification Movement" is another result of Mao Zedong's practical exploration of Marxist ideology construction (XI, 2020, p. 342). The "Party Rectification Campaign" of the CPC refers to the top-down Marxist theoretical study and education activities carried out throughout the party in response to the ideological, organizational and style problems that emerged in the party during a specific period through studying the classics, reflecting on ideas, summing up experience and learning lessons. In accordance with the principle of "punishing the former to prevent the latter and curing the sick to save the others," criticism and self-criticism are carried out to correct the Party members’ shortcomings and deficiencies and to purify the thinking, style of work and organization of the party. The Party Rectification Movement initiated and led by Mao Zedong was an important way to build the party ideologically and to maintain the advancement and combativeness of the party. At the same time, it was also an important initiative to shape the ideology of the party, transform the spiritual world of the Chinese Communists, promote the Chineseization of Marxist ideology and build a socialist ideology (XI, 2021).
Finally, Mao's constant emphasis and advancement of intellectual and political education are also reflective of his research of the evolution of socialist ideology. Ideological and political education was highly valued by Mao Zedong, who saw it as a crucial tool for mass political mobilisation, force unification and theoretical arming. The challenge at hand was to create a fighting Marxist party while eradicating the influence of the urban petty bourgeoisie, peasantry and other non-proletarian beliefs. Mao Zedong made a point. "The question of the ideological leadership of the proletariat is a very important one. The party in the border counties is almost entirely of peasant composition, and if it is not given the ideological leadership of the proletariat, its tendency is going to be wrong."
After the establishment of New China, Mao Zedong raised the ideology of ideological and political work to the height of ideological and political education to promote the smooth development of other work. Ideology and politics is the commander-in-chief, is the soul. As long as our ideological and political work is a little relaxed, economical and technical work will definitely go to the evil way.
Conclusion
Xi Jinping (2020) said that building socialism under the historical conditions of China at that time was like climbing an untouched mountain, and the climber needed to "cut through the thorns and open up the path." In the construction of socialist ideology, Mao Zedong started from the desire to avoid the serious problems that had been exposed in the Soviet Union, and took into account the actual situation in China. Of course, the exploration in Mao's era had its detours, and just as the Chinese Communists gained a correct understanding of the New Democratic Revolution only after many setbacks, the initial construction of socialist ideology in Mao's era also had limitations and shortcomings. After all, the cause of the socialist building of China had only recently begun. The experience in the development of Chinese socialist ideology was still accruing, and the laws that govern its development had not yet fully manifested themselves. The process from conception to implementation is complicated, and the degree of policy, execution and public awareness at all stages of implementation directly affect its standardisation and actual impacts. If later researchers can make efforts to return to the historical truth and put themselves in the people’s shoes, perhaps the complexity and enormity of the exploration of socialist ideology construction in Mao's era and its foundational contribution can be revealed more, and the regularity and lessons of ideology construction can be better understood.
O Pensamento de Mao Tsé-Tung e a Construção Ideológica Socialista
Resumo: A prática de 70 anos da Nova China mostra que nosso Partido tem, de forma permanente, valorizado e fortalecido a liderança do trabalho ideológico, fator essencial para que a nação chinesa consiga o salto de rica e poderosa, e consolide continuamente a posição dominante do partido. As sucessivas lideranças coletivas do partido exploraram e inovaram a teoria da ideologia socialista em diferentes períodos da história da China, em vista da situação internacional e doméstica, fornecendo ao PCCh uma base teórica científica e diretrizes de ação para romper as barreiras ideológicas em sua regra de longo prazo. Mao Tsé-Tung fez contribuições históricas significativas para explorar o caminho para o novo socialismo chinês, projeto institucional, inovação teórica e construção ideológica. O objetivo deste estudo é combinar os princípios básicos marxismo com a realidade específica da China, apresentar de forma criativa os princípios básicos e as direções básicas da construção da ideología nacional e elaborar sistematicamente a conotação essencial, a ideologia orientadora, os objetivos primários, a natureza fundamental e o camino de realização da construção da ideología socialista. Este estudo mostra que o primeiro salto teórico da localização da ideología marxista na China lançou uma base sólida para construir um país científico e completo e um sistema ideológico nacional científico e completo.
Palavras-chave: Mao Tsé-Tung. Instituições Políticas. Ideologia Socialista. Marxismo-Leninismo.
ReferenceS
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YURDAKUL, Ç. Marx’ın Tarih Anlayişi: Tarihsel Materyalizm. Uluslararası Sosyal ve Beşerî Bilimler Dergisi, v. 1, n. 3, p. 1-19, 2018.
ZHANG, X.; WANG, T. J. A Critical Review of Quesnay's Economic Thought and its Chinese Retrospective: A View of the Construction of Socialist Political Economy with Chinese Characteristics. Contemporary Economic Studies, v. 11, p. 26-35; 113, 2020.
Received: 27/07/2022
Approved: 15/10/2022
Comment on “Mao Zedong Thought and the Construction of Socialist Ideology”
Commented Article: Zhang, Min; ZONG, Haiyong; ZEEN, David. Mao Zedong’s thought and the construction of socialist ideology. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 211- 232, 2023.
The term “ideology” has been coined over two centuries since the 19th century. However, there is still no consistent statement about its basic meaning, and different theoretical schools worldwide have different views based on their theories. Even in its founder Tracy’s view, “ideology” also has the significance of philosophical epistemology and political practice (ZHANG; ZONG, 1988, p. 255).
Ideological construction is an extremely important work related to the future and destiny of the Party, the long-term stability of the country and the centripetal force of national cohesion. Contemporary China is in the era of globalization of the external environment, informatization of production and life, and marketization of economic operations. The way of life, communication and the people’s thinking are undergoing profound changes. Various cross-era, cross-space and cross-cultural ideologies are deeply converging and fighting.
The noise will be confused if the truth does not occupy the ideological position. If the sun does not spread in the spiritual space, the darkness will be swallowed up. Our Party has always attached great importance to the construction of socialist ideology. Mao Zedong, the first generation of the leading core of the Party, united and led the whole Party and the people of the country to seek truth from facts. Historically, he chose Marxism as his guiding ideology, combined with the specific national conditions and practice of China to create Mao Zedong Thought, led the Chinese revolution to success and, then, established the socialist system, which laid the fundamental premise for the socialist ideology construction of China.
With the conclusion of the cold war and the disintegration of the bipolar order, the globe has entered a period of peace and progress. The antagonism between capitalism and the two systems of socialism, two routes and two value systems, has not been eradicated. In contrast, it has become more challenging, intricate and concealed. The rapid growth of economic globalization and scientific and technical informatics has strengthened and facilitated commercial and cultural links and international cooperation. Concurrently, it has heightened the harsh competition in the global economy and accelerated the North-South divide. Developed countries are increasingly strengthening their efforts to export ideology to backward developing countries with the help of economic and technological forces. The cultural exchanges and the ones between different countries are increasingly frequent. Economic development and cultural exchanges are constantly attached to clear political intentions.
In the final analysis, the nature and role of a social ideology should be reflected in its basic attitude to the social system, expected design and maintenance functions. Therefore, analyzing the social system is the most convenient way to grasp ideology. Because of this, many scholars in the research of other countries on contemporary Chinese socialist ideology are also reflected in discussing the basic concepts and major reforms of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics. As for the basic idea of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, other countries prevail in three representative judgments: new authoritarianism, Chinese federalism and new conservatism.
As a positive reflection of the economic foundation at the conceptual level, the internal structure of the ideology is bound to be closely related to the economic structure. On the one hand, the economic structure determines the ideological structure The internal elements of the economic structure and their order directly determine the relationship and form of the internal elements of the ideological structure (MAO, 1996, p. 194). When the socialist public economic structure is adjusted, the socialist ideology can only be adjusted adaptively to promote the coordinated development of the two ones. On the other hand, the ideological structure will react to the economic system. When the elements of the internal structure of ideology change in order or evolve in relation, it often metaphorically indicates that some social needs need attention and some social problems need to be solved. It points to the need to adjust some interest relations, thus forcing the innovation of unreasonable elements in the economic structure and even breaking the barriers of old interest relations.
The academic circles of other countries have two different views on the change and development of contemporary Chinese social ideology. One view is that the reform and opening up have led to the intergenerational change and transformation of the social ideology of China, which is manifested in two aspects. First, the ideological structure was divided, and the conflict was widespread. It believed that the reform and opening up had redistributed social resources and profoundly adjusted the relationship of interests. This can promote the classes and groups’ differentiation and reorganization and make the original “integrated” ideological structure split. After the split, there are often conflicts between the ideologies in one way or another. These conflicts focus on the emerging mass incidents in recent years. The second is the activation of the ideological field, which believes that reform and opening up have broken the authoritarian structure of ideology, making the ideological field increasingly loose and active.
Many fruitful types of research have been carried out around the dominance of contemporary Chinese socialist ideology and related issues. A series of important breakthroughs have been made, providing a rich multi-directional research perspective and theoretical reference. However, we should also see that there are still many important problems to be solved in studying the dominance of socialist ideology, and there is still much room for deepening and expanding.
First, the basic problems need to be clarified. The clarification of concepts is the basis and difficulty of any theoretical research. Particularly in the realm of ideology study, people’s understanding of the concept of ideology is so complex that perspectives vary. First, scholars with different academic backgrounds have provided different interpretations of ideology. Politics stresses the social mobilization function of ideology, whereas psychology emphasizes the psychological integration function. Anthropology emphasizes the cultural significance of ideology, whereas philosophy investigates the truth-seeking tendency of the ideology. The complexity of understanding perspective and emphasis makes it difficult to achieve effective theoretical convergence and knowledge increment due to different understandings, although numerous ideological research achievements exist.
Second, the core problems need to be solved urgently. The orientation of practical problems is the key to distinguishing Marxist ideological theory from Western ideological theories. Second, focusing on the historical node of globalization, modernization and national rejuvenation in contemporary China, the research on the dominance of socialist ideology still faces many practical problems that need to be solved urgently. For example, since the reform and opening up, the economic and social development of China has made remarkable achievements. What are the inherent and inevitable links between these achievements and the leading ideology of China, and what are the historical laws of the occurrence and development of these links? How to transform the great achievements of reform and development into the new socialist ideology dominance? These are the core issues of “ideology-dominated” research and the starting point and foothold of our in depth research.
Third, the research paradigm needs innovation. The current research paradigm regarding the dominance of socialist ideology has roughly three characteristics: first, a holistic analysis, in which the dominance of socialist ideology is viewed as an integral concept and its internal elements, structural patterns, types of realization and other issues are discussed less frequently. The second is the background perspective, which places the dominance of socialist ideology in the context of globalization, informatization, marketization and modernization, focusing on the impact and challenges of the background of the times on the dominance and less on the internal relationship of mutual isomorphism and organic connection between the two ones.
Third, the defensive orientation, from the perspective of simple strategic defense, discusses how to strengthen the dominance of socialist ideology but less discusses the era construction of socialist ideology dominance. This research paradigm should be of great significance for us to understand and grasp the dominant issues of socialist ideology at a macro level and enhance the sense of crisis and urgency of ideological construction (National “Seventh Five-Year Plan” study book series of constitutional study reading this book, 2016). However, suppose we cannot go deep into the interior of the socialist ideology dominance, perspective the elements and functional patterns of the dominance. In that case, we can not grasp the internal mechanism of realizing the socialist ideology dominance. In particular, if it cannot analyze the game rules between socialist ideology and other ideologies under the new situation, it is difficult to promote the continuous deepening of relevant research and even more difficult to realistically enhance the dominance of socialist ideology.
The cause of socialist construction of China has just started. The experience of the socialist ideology construction of China is still accumulating and is in ascending order. The laws of its construction have not yet been fully revealed. The process from conception to implementation is complex. Its standardization and effectiveness are directly related to the policy level, implementation level and the people’s awareness level at all levels. Suppose later researchers can try to return to the historical truth and put themselves in the people’s shoes. In that case, they may be able to reveal more of the complexity and difficulty of exploring socialist ideology construction in the Mao era, and its basic contributions, and better understand the laws and lessons of ideology construction. This is our comments about Zhang, Zong and Zeen’s (2023) article.
REFERENCES
MAO, Z. D. Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts: Book X. Beijing: People’s, p. 194-195, 1996.
NATIONAL “Seventh Five-Year Plan”. Study Book Series of Constitutional Study Reading This Book. Beijing: China Legal, p. 37-40, 2016.
ZHANG, M.; ZONG, H. Y. Mao Zedong’s Collection of Philosophical Commentaries. Beijing: Central Literature, p. 255-256, 1988.
Zhang, M.; ZONG, H.; ZEEN, D. Mao Zedong’s thought and the construction of socialist ideology. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 211- 232, 2023.
Received: 17/01/2023
Approved: 20/01/2023
Cultural Design Methodology from the Perspective of Cultural Philosophy: A Case of Ningbo[40]
Abstract: Cultural design integrates cultural content into the design process. It is an important means to realize the innovation of traditional culture in inheritance. Cultural design behavior is subtly influenced by cultural philosophy. Specifically, cultural environment analysis, cultural semantic association and cultural imagery extraction, from the perspective of cultural philosophy, are helpful in realizing the explicitness of designers' implicit knowledge in the process of encoding and decoding cultural genes. We select Ningbo as a sample to deeply mine the regional cultural genes, explore the generation mode of cultural design, and further propose a framework for building a cultural design knowledge service system. So as to provide methodological guidance for regional cultural design practice to build sustainable cultural design capabilities.
Keywords: Cultural philosophy. Cultural design. Cultural gene. Knowledge service system.
INTRODUCTION
Culture is the source of beauty, and regional culture is the peolple’s common memory in a specific area, which directly affects people's aesthetic tendencies, ways of thinking and behavioral habits. Regional culture is also an important carrier to enhance residents' cultural confidence and happiness (PAN, 2012, p.2). Cultural design transforms cultural resources into design works, allowing regional culture to reach thousands of households with products as a medium. It can awaken the residents’ emotional experience and inject cultural characteristics into products to form brand competitiveness (WANG, 2019, p. 2). Cultural design behavior is subtly influenced by cultural philosophy. Cultural philosophy is a human-oriented worldview, methodology and way of thinking, covering the living habits, production methods, values and beliefs, behavioral norms, ethics, and morals that people have accumulated over the years (HAN; HU, 2002, p. 6). By comparing the Eastern and Western designers’ design process, it is found that the Doctrine of the Mean in Confucian philosophy deeply affects the Eastern designers’ aesthetic preferences (CHAI; SHEN; BAO; SUN, 2018, p. 245). Cultural design needs to go through the process from the input of cultural elements to the output of cultural works, and there are still many links that are difficult to deconstruct. However, by comparing the forms of design elements, it is found that abstract words limit the designer's imagination less than figurative pictures. The former shows more superior design potential (LUO; DONG, 2017, p. 25). When implementing cultural design, designers frequently run into issues, including inadequate input of design information, difficulties understanding regional cultural philosophies and inadequate precipitation of design knowledge, which leads to the production of simplistic and repetitive design works. An essential carrier to help designers carry out cultural design is a system of cultural design knowledge services that incorporates the encoding and decoding of cultural genes, the generation and representation of design knowledge, and the display and diffusion of cultural commodities. In order to offer methodological direction for local cultural design, this study uses Ningbo as an example and extracts the Ningbo cultural genes, explains the processes and paths of Ningbo cultural design and suggests the framework of the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System.
1 The cultural genes of Ningbo
The concept of "cultural gene" comes from the book "The Selfish Gene" (RICHARD, 1976, p.10). Many scholars have defined cultural gene in the academic context. Generally speaking, the basic understanding of cultural genes comes from the cultural spirit in traditional philosophy. Cultural genes are cultural philosophies that have been passed down and continued from generation to generation in human groups. They are the accumulation of spiritual creations in the group members’ production and life in the past dynasties (CAI, 2022, p.33). Cultural genes are abstract. They are the underlying psychological structure and way of thinking of regional cultural identity. How to transform abstract cultural genes into concrete cultural carriers is a problem that cultural designers need to consider, which needs to establish a mapping between cultural spirit and cultural symbols. As far as Ningbo is concerned, it is first necessary to decode the cultural genes of this city, that is to restore the height of the traditional culture of Ningo on the basis of analyzing the cultural environment of this city and to construct the cognitive picture of the people's independent consciousness subject from Ningbo. Specifically, it is to carry out semantic analysis on the most representative cultural elements of Ningbo, find semantic associations and refine cultural imagery.
1.1 Analysis of Ningbo Cultural Environment
The cultural environment is the sum of cultural resources, natural resources and behavioral resources of a region. Ningbo is an ancient city with many historical and cultural relics and intangible cultural heritage. Ningbo is the cultural hometown of the Maritime Silk Road. The Grand Canal and the Maritime Silk Road meet here. The Jingtoushan site and Hemudu site lead us into the depths of history, to trace the origin of prehistoric culture along the southeastern coast of China and to sort out the cultural context of Ningbo. The city is also the fountain of Song-style culture. Cihu, Yuehu and Dongqian Lake still retain many cultural imprints from the Song Dynasty, especially the Southern Song Dynasty (ZHU; RONG, 2022, p. 2). Around these three lakes, most of the Song Dynasty of Ningbo remains The celebrity culture, the scholar culture and the celadon culture are concentrated. The cultural history of Ningbo is a history of foreign exchanges, from port changes, navigation technology and foreign trade to Buddhist sects (CHEN, 2016, p. 4). It also contains architecture, calligraphy, painting, sculpture and folk customs. This history leaves behind cultural treasures such as the bronze battle-ax with Yu people's boat race emblazonry from the Warring States Period, Yue kiln celadon, Southern Song Dynasty stone carvings, etc. These historical relics provide detailed basic materials for analyzing the cultural environment of Ningbo. The open and inclusive spirit of the Maritime Silk Road culture inspires designers to explore the possibility of continuously combining culture and design. Elements of the Maritime Silk Road culture have also become an important part of regional cultural design. The architectural style, carving texture of the Qingan Hall, the legend and landscape of Tiantong Temple and the living fossil of the Maritime Silk Road have been repeatedly used in designers' works.
In terms of natural resources, the Ningbo area has all kinds of mountains, seas, lakes, forests and fields. There is a lake in the middle, three rivers and six ponds, and the sea to the east. Water has become the most important natural resource of the city. Siming Mountain and Tiantai Mountain surround the southwest. The city with mountains and water forms a beautiful and dynamic picture of Ningbo. In ancient times, Ningbo was often the first stop for Japanese envoys to China. During the Ming Dynasty, Japanese painter Sesshū's works "NingboMap", "Zhenhaikou Map" and "Yuwang Mountain Map", etc., have become precious materials for people today to study the changes of Ningbo city (LI, 2011, p. 40). The designers’ intervention will also promote combining these natural resources and design and produce more and better cultural design works.
In addition, during the thousands of years of historical development, the Ningbo people have created their own unique and profound folk traditional culture. The superb traditional handicraft skills, such as wood carving with red and golden lacquer, bone wood inlay, and gold and silver embroidery, have also made Ningbo craftsmen famous at home and abroad (LI, 2010, p. 5). They have a distinct eating culture and are well recognized for their stewed grilled, and steaming seafood. All of these distinctive cultural characteristics reflect the life, feelings and ideals of the Ningbo people and represent their knowledge across all dynasties. It still has an impact on people's opinions, values and emotions. Local designers will have access to a continual stream of design inspiration thanks to these behavioural tools.
In summary, the cultural environment in the Ningbo area is mainly based on the Maritime Silk Road culture, covering Song-style aesthetics, Eastern Zhejiang School, Buddhist culture, sculpture art, and so on. The unity of knowledge and action, seeking truth from facts, practical application, openness and inclusiveness, has become the cultural philosophy of Ningbo people. Cultural resources have a long history. Dominated by water culture, Ningbo is a three-dimensional city covering multi-dimensional landscapes such as mountains, rivers, cities, forests and fields (HU; YAO, 2002, p. 4). Behavioral resources are the behaviors and lifestyles created by the people living there. Behavioral resources such as craftsman culture, food culture and marriage culture in the Ningbo area are unique. The cultural environment is the root, and the cultural philosophy is the soul, which constitutes the common memory or lifestyle of the old and new Ningbo people. It contains the charming urban temperament of Ningbo. Cultural competitiveness is the core of urban competitiveness. Culture needs to be innovated in inheritance. It lays the foundation for cultural design by sorting out the local cultural environment.
1.2 Refinement of Ningbo Cultural Imagery
From the perspective of cultural philosophy, a symbol is a conventional object designation created by people as the subject and a tool for human cultural practice (WAN, 2020, p. 4). Symbols are the carriers of cultural imagery. Regional cultural imagery is people's direct association with regional cultural characteristics and reflects people's emotional needs. It includes people, times, places, things and objects that can represent the personality and tradition of a certain region, as well as reflect the regional culture and quality. The combination of these factors constitutes designers' and users' unique identifying elements for regional cultural imagery (ZHU, 2009, p. 3). Not only cultural and creative products but also modern industrial or information products carry and embody the cultural imagery of a specific region. For example, Scandinavia has a human touch design style, emphasizing respect for tradition and restraint in form and decoration. The pure and vivid beauty of Wabi-sabi in Japanese aesthetics, which is deeply hidden in Japanese and can be understood and inexpressible, is the most distinctive foundation of Japanese cultural philosophy (TSAKNAKI; FERNAEUS, 2016, p. 5970).
In a popular sense, the luxury of American products, the sophistication of Japanese products and the rigor of German products, perceived by ordinary people, embody specific cultural philosophies in products. Shenzhen also has the imagery of innovation and technology. There are also the birthplaces of great businesses like Huawei. A significant manufacturing hub on the east coast of China is Ningbo. Integrating regional cultural philosophy into Ningbo products through design has become a challenging topic for designers and even business managers, as traditional manufacturing is being replaced by an intelligent economy. Designing cultural interventions is one of the crucial methods. The fusion of Ningbo culture and design will provide a window through which the world may comprehend Ningbo culture through goods and services, increase the value of those goods and boost the competitiveness of Ningbo in the urban market. Residents will also be integrated into the regional cultural construction and communication system, through new media communication technology and service design methodologies, to create a sustainable cultural environment.
Based on the previous analysis of the Ningbo cultural environment, we carry out a semantic analysis of Ningbo cultural resources. We search for semantic association, dig deeply into Ningbo cultural connotation and refine Ningbo cultural imagery so that the invisible cultural philosophy can be presented with symbols as a carrier (JIN; PAN; LV, 2017, p. 7). The openness and inclusiveness of the Maritime Silk Road culture, the practical application of the East Zhejiang School, the elegance of Song-style aesthetics, the unity of knowledge and the action of Yangming Mind, the craftsmanship of the intangible cultural heritage of Ningbo, and the all-encompassing nature of the musems of Ningbo constitute the Ningbo vision of cultural philosophy.
Figure 1-The Bronze Battle-axe with Yu People's Boat race Emblazonry
TU, 2015, p. 92.
It is vital to hone the historical attributes, ethnic attributes, emotional attributes, metaphor attributes and allusions attributes of certain cultural resources. History, area and nationality characteristics are the fundamental characteristics of cultural aspects, such as historical age, region and ethnicity. Information that can affect emotions, including both good and bad feelings, such as joy, loyalty, nobility, purity, bravery, and fear, is known as an emotional trait. We can find many festive elements in Ten Miles of Red Dowry and the spirit of bravery and hard work in the bronze battle-axe with Yu people's boat race emblazonry, as shown in Figure 1. Metaphorical attributes are perception, experience and imagination under each other's hints with understanding (ZHAO, 2015, p. 2). There is a lot of metaphors in Ningbo-style furniture. Elements such as lion playing ball pattern, crane deer pattern, and dragon and phoenix pattern all have strong symbolic meanings. Allusions are historical figures, laws, regulations, stories or legends (CHEN; XU, 2021, p.133), such as Guanyin, Arhat and Amitabha, have become the themes of intangible cultural heritage of Ningbo, such as wood carving with red and golden lacquer, bone wood inlay, gold and silver embroidery. The design method is to deform and reconstruct cultural elements, including citation, contrast, exaggeration, clustering, dislocation, collaboration and artistic conception. Application scenarios mainly include home products, architecture, clothing, window grilles, flowers, fireworks, and so on.
The Ningbo Museum has a bronze battle-axe from the Warring States Period with Yu people's boat race pattern. The decorations on it record the scenes of people's dragon boat races more than 2,000 years ago. The "Yu People" reflects the worship of the Baiyue people’s "bird god". "Boat race" is the earliest dragon boat pattern in Ningbo (CHAI, 2015, p. 2). In the pattern, four people with feather crests sitting on their heads are rowing hard, and the feather crests on their heads are also fluttering in the wind. The whole piece of bronze battle-ax reflects the Ningbo ancestors’ enterprising spirit, who leaped and leaped. This image belongs to the maritime Silk Road culture. The four Yu People sit in a straight line and are decorated with two opposing dragon patterns on the upper part. This straight line represents the ship with the dragon as its totem. It can be seen that more than 2,000 years ago, ships have become an important means of transportation. It reflects the origin time of the Maritime Silk Road culture in Ningbo. Shape, pattern, spirit, and velocity are all sources of design inspiration for artists.
For cultural design, cultural gene decoding is a fundamental work. At present, the decoding of cultural genes when most designers carry out cultural design mainly comes from professional instinct, and it is difficult to carry out systematic research. The design knowledge of such cultural designers is mostly empirical knowledge, which is difficult to describe and pass on. Cultural environment analysis, cultural imagery extraction, and cultural symbol mapping together constitute the three levels of cultural gene decoding. On-site research and oral analysis experiments create conditions for the decoding of cultural genes, and are also design methods that need to be used in the fuzzy early stage of cultural design.
2 the generation mode of Ningbo cultural design
Compared with the research work in the fuzzy early stage of cultural design, the middle stage of cultural design is more creative, including concept idea, program selection and design expression. Different designers have different understandings of cultural genes, different design carriers they are looking for and different design methods used. Based on collecting, classifying, deconstructing and analyzing traditional cultural elements, how to reproduce tradition, apply tradition or perceive tradition in modern products or services is the designers’ focus (DENG, 2021, p. 6). The reproduction of tradition is to transplant traditional graphics into modern design. The application of tradition requires the processing of traditional graphics, while the perception of tradition only draws on the cultural imagery of traditional graphics without seeing the shadow of the original graphics.
In terms of Ningbo cultural design, many designers have participated in the process of Ningbo cultural design through various channels. Various design techniques were used in transforming Ningbo cultural semantics into product semantics, and many different perspectives and ways of thinking were seen. Although design knowledge is embedded in the invisible design process, there are three main ways for designers to carry out cultural design through the comparative analysis of many Ningbo cultural design works. The application of traditional culture on modern artifacts to inherit traditional culture, using information design means transforming traditional culture and social innovation oriented to regional culture.
First, the application of traditional culture on modern artifacts is to inherit traditional culture, mainly reflected in the innovative application of traditional cultural elements and regional cultural imagery on modern products. In Figure 2, the themed tableware combination design of "Hundred Ships: Feast" is to extract design elements from the scene of hundreds of sailing fleets competing for flow to create this group of ship-shaped tableware combinations (LI; MAO, 2016, p.2). Through this procedure, the cultural spirit of the maritime Silk Road is incorporated into contemporary times among the artifacts. Both Zheng He's expedition to the Indian Ocean in the south and Jianzhen's eastward crossing of Japan passed via Ningbo. The eastern departure port for the Maritime Silk Road is located at Ningbo, which is also the estuary at the southern end Grand Canal of China. Most of the cultural design works for Ningbo belong to the culture of Maritime Silk Road Culture. Still, some works have more obvious cultural characteristics, while others are not obvious enough. The reproduction of tradition, application of tradition and perception of tradition gradually move from appearance to spiritual resemblance. It is also the process of gradually sublimating the design from the figurative to the abstract. The more abstract the design, the wider the application range. But the design difficulty is also greatly improved. This work does not directly adopt the cultural elements of Ningbo. But through the perception of traditional design methods, the tableware is associated with the cultural imagery of Ningbo, so that people have a psychological resonance. Excellent cultural design works must have strong cultural attributes and resonate with the audience, not just simply repeating graphics or patterns.
![545TQC)57PF3[]0RGNU0U`D](Dossier%20oriental%20philosophy%20complete%20version_arquivos/image010.jpg){kind=small} |
Figure 2 - "Hundred Ships: Feast"
LI; MAO, 2016, p. 2.
The second path is to use information design methods to transform traditional culture so that traditional culture can be better spread and used. How, for instance, can the paper-cut culture be perpetuated in the age of knowledge networks and possibly made more popular? Combining paper-cut culture with an intelligent application is one approach that might work. Modern manufacturing equipment is used to cut paper-cut shapes, which may be altered and customized. The paper-cut cultural aspects are dismantled and vectorized as much as feasible through element deconstruction and semantic analysis, allowing for the realization of novel innovation employing paper-cut material resources. To make distinctive paper-cut artwork of the original, this one is rebuilt. Incorporating cutting-edge components of contemporary technology, this application scenario can be employed in the classrooms of elementary and high schools. In Figure 3, "A Group of Expression Packs of Primitive Beasts", originated from the collection of Ningbo Museum, displayed through the image of primitive animals, and applied for use through the WeChat expression open platform to facilitate the dissemination of traditional culture (MAO, 2018, p. 2). Information technology has created favorable conditions for the design and dissemination of traditional culture. This group of emoji packs gives the cold collections a vivid image, which shortens the distance between cultural relics and consumers, and has a strong communication attribute.
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Figure 3 -"A Group of Expression Packs of Primitive Beasts"
MAO, 2018, p. 2.
With the development of A.R. and V.R. technologies, integrating digital cultural content into industrial products has become an emerging trend in cultural design. Im Figure 4, "Yangming Pen" is a series of ball-point pens designed, based on the imagery of the three deeds to immortality of Ningbo sage Wang Yangming: to a paragon of virtue, achievement or words. Users can scan this series of products with their mobile phones, and the digital content related to Wang Yangming can be presented on the mobile phone interface. Wang Yangming's three-deed imagery inspires future generations to practice the Ningbo spirit of the unity of knowledge and action through the carrier of industrial products, while digital cultural content enhances the accessibility of Yangming culture, and the combination of virtual and real product service system makes the cultural experience more immersive.
Figure 4 - "Yangming Pen"
Designed by author, Shen Hongjie, and Jiang Yiwei.
The third option is to leverage social innovation to include local community members and artisans as partners in the design process. There are, for instance, organized community research and design initiatives for regional intangible cultural heritage. New works in the forms of digital video documentaries on intangible cultural artefacts, original ecological music compositions, tourism planning, landscape design, cultural design and kid-made artwork are constantly being produced. This initiative strengthens the good interaction between designers, the inheritors of intangible cultural heritage in residents, protects and promotes the sustainable development of local natural, social and cultural resources (JI; YANG; ZHAO, 2009, p. 5). Social innovation, oriented to regional culture, needs to mobilize the stakeholders’ enthusiasm to participate. This type of design requires designers to design for the real world, which has a long cycle and is difficult to implement. But also because this type of design contains the designer’s deep integration, the effect is the best, and it will become the main form of cultural design in the future. Cong Zhiqiang took root in Gejia Village and Chengyang Village in Ningbo, opened social practice courses in the fields and carried out artistic revitalization activities in rural areas. Through design empowerment, we can explore the characteristics and advantages of the village, mobilize the the majority of villagers’ enthusiasm, let more villagers join the artistic transformation of the village and promote deeper changes in the village.
The objects of Ningbo cultural design are mainly the intangible cultural heritage, museums and cultural tourism industry in the Ningbo area. The industrial economy of Ningbo is the main position for integrating culture and manufacturing. In recent years, Geely Automobile in Ningbo has integrated Song-style aesthetics into its automobile design and cooperated with the dance drama "Only Green", which was born out of "A Thousand Miles of Rivers and Mountains" to explore the integration of "automotive technology and traditional culture" (LIN; YANG; JULIA, 2020, p.82). In addition, direct-to-consumer Ningbo local enterprises, such as Olin, Aux and Peacebird, gradually inject cultural attributes into their products to enhance their brands.
3 NINGBO CULTURAL DESIGN KNOWLEDGE Service SYSTEM
More and more artists have created cultural design pieces in recent years using Ningbo area culture as the subject. However, designers from outside of the sizable area still know very little about the regional culture of Ningbo. Most design projects are just based on vague impressions. There has not been a new development. The knowledge of regional cultural design, on the other hand, is implicit in the designers’ thoughts and is a rather independent knowledge system. Cultural design scholars struggle with how to make their understanding of regional cultural design evident. Design is flexible. It is choice, action and result. The design process needs knowledge support, and the design behavior also generates a lot of knowledge (LIU; SUN; LU, 2010, p. 7). The acquisition, expression, storage and utilization of knowledge nourish design and production in the era of artificial intelligence. Cultural environment analysis, cultural imagery refinement and cultural symbol mapping are design knowledge generated through the forward design process.
In contrast, cultural design practice reverses the knowledge generated in the design process from the results. This knowledge, combined with the user’s knowledge, such as the needs, behaviors, motivations, experiences, emotions and the target users’ target, constitutes a cultural design knowledge system, as shown in Figure 5. To inspire more designers to participate in the s regional cultural design of Ningbo, it is also necessary to build a relatively complete regional cultural design knowledge service system.
Figure 5 - The cultural design knowledge service system
 |
Drawn by author.
Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System covers knowledge input, design production and results output under the guidance of cultural philosophy. It is a co-creation community composed of many stakeholders, including the knowledge expression of the designers' implicit experience in the early design practice process and the later stage. The data precipitated by the stakeholders’ continuous interaction forms a dynamic big data system to assist cultural design and production. The design process, in reality, comes from the integrated expression of abstract content such as the designer's thinking, experience, and skills. With the rise of artificial intelligence technologies such as big data, cloud computing and machine learning, this black-box-like design process is gradually revealed. The generative design platform, based on intelligent algorithms for regional culture, gradually emerges (TANG; HUANG; YAO, 2019, p. 1595).
Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System mainly serves people who work creatively based on Ningbo culture, including all kinds of designers, inheritors of intangible cultural heritage, cultural researchers, business managers and even the people interested in Ningbo regional culture. All kinds of users can obtain dynamic, customized and intelligent knowledge services. In terms of technology, Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System can integrate big data technology for trend forecasting and design decision-making, and experience management technology with multi-stakeholder (VERONICA, 2018, p.20), 3D scanning technology for data collection, generative design, 3D printing technology for personalized customization and virtual reality technology for diversified display (JEFFERSON; SABAREESH; SIDHARTH, 2021, p.1319). It requires exploring the data intelligence in the knowledge service model for the public.
A large number of cultural resources are summarized and refined through semantic analysis and connotation mining of cultural resources through semantic models. We can explore the methods of cultural aided design systems for innovative design and develop various forms of cultural aided design systems provided to design companies, designers, enterprises and institutions. They can carry out the creative design of cultural products and other work. Corresponding explorations have been carried out in the field of design research. Colors, patterns and three-dimensional models, in traditional culture, can be used for a generative design using information technology, which has also spawned many new service models. For example, the secondary development of three-dimensional models of cultural relics can derive customized designs for users to adjust parameters. Relying on three-dimensional printing technology, users can design their unique creative gifts (LI; WANG; ZHANG, 2015, p. 4). In order to create digital material based on real-world things, they can also make use of technologies like augmented reality. A museum creative product sales centre may be the appropriate application situation, as it can boost the visitor’s engagement with museums while also producing financial benefits. Technology, design and business knowledge must be integrated in order to create the application tools for the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System. It can learn from the idea of an open platform, provide developers with interfaces and open some data to realize the road to the knowledge integration and integrated innovation of the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System. Open innovation is an innovation method that is more adaptable to the Internet era. Compared with closed innovation, it can attract more stakeholders and allow people to do things more widely. Therefore, the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System needs to consider comprehensively the service touch points that may carry out open innovation and gradually design the user’s experience of each service touch point. When the opportunity is ripe, these touch points should be opened to allow more people to the traditional culture innovation and dissemination of Ningbo.
Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System is the underlying infrastructure of regional cultural design, and also a distribution center for gathering stakeholders of cultural design. It is possible to have a cross-time and space platform to exchange and learn about regional cultures. And it will help more designers integrate deeply into the regional culture and create more and better design works. This will establish a small, local, open and linked designer community, which promotes the sustainable development of the regional culture of Ningbo, in inheritance and innovation and further spreads regional culture of Ningbo (EZIO, 2016, p. 215). It will enhance the cultural competence of the city.
CONCLUSIONS
To sum up, cultural design helps traditional culture continue to innovate in inheritance, allowing local residents to gain cultural identity through cultural products. But the contingency of cultural design behavior itself makes excellent cultural design works difficult to capture. Sustainable design competitiveness requires the dismantling of the cultural design process. In the early stage of cultural design vagueness, the decoding of cultural genes based on cultural environment analysis, cultural image extraction and cultural symbol mapping is carried out. In the middle stage of cultural design, on the basis of the understanding and processing of local cultural philosophy, imaginative cultural products are created. And cultural design results are displayed and disseminated in the later stage of cultural design. The design flow itself is also the flow of methods and knowledge. The knowledge management of cultural design is to sort out the design methods in the process of cultural design, express and store the design knowledge in the process of cultural design, and aggregate the stakeholders of cultural design. Therefore, this paper proposes a framework of cultural design knowledge service system, based on regional cultural philosophy, explores the underlying logic and future possibilities of the knowledge service system, and provides methodological guidance for regional cultural design to build sustainable design capabilities. In the future, big data technology can be actively used to support the regional cultural designers’ development and incubation.
In the form of online mass innovation, we will deeply explore the cultural value of each region, enrich the core and extension of regional culture, and form a normalized new product development and brand communication. On the other hand, it is possible to actively promote the integrated development of culture melt-in industry and establish demonstration projects for the integrated development of culture melt-in industry, which enhances the local cultural awareness and cultural confidence of enterprises and the people’s ones. It also allows products with regional cultural genes to be more popular. Extensive display and dissemination enhance the cultural attraction of the local area.
METODOLOGIA DE DESENHO CULTURAL A PARTIR DA PERSPECTIVA DA FILOSOFIA CULTURAL: UM CASO DE NINGBO
Résumé: O design cultural integra o conteúdo cultural no processo de design. É um meio importante para perceber a inovação da cultura tradicional na herança. O comportamento do design cultural é sutilmente influenciado pela filosofia cultural. Especificamente, a análise do ambiente cultural, a associação semântica cultural e a extração de imagens culturais, na perspectiva da filosofia cultural, ajudam a perceber a explicitação do conhecimento implícito no processo de codificação e decodificação de genes culturais. Selecionamos Ningbo como uma amostra, aprofundamos os genes culturais regionais, exploramos o modelo de geração de design cultural e ainda propusemos a estrutura para a construção de um sistema de serviços de conhecimento de design cultural para fornecer orientação metodológica, para a prática de design cultural regional, a fim de construir capacidades de design cultural sustentável.
Palavras-chave: Filosofia cultural. Design cultural. Genes de design. Sistema de serviço de conhecimento.
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Received: 27/07/2022
Aproved: 27/09/2022
Comment on “Cultural design methodology from the perspective of cultural Philosophy: a case of Ningbo”
Commented Article: Zuyao, Wang; XIN, Xin; SONG, Qiao. Cultural design methodology from the perspective of cultural philosophy: a case of ningbo. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 239- 256, 2023.
Zuyao, Xin e Song (2023) have magnificently skillfully presented their case study highlighting monumental cultural design methodology from the perspective of cultural philosophy. Cultural philosophy is an all-pervasive subject and needs thorough investigation and a philosophical deep dive into the ambience and zeitgeist of that era (YANG; BAN, 2022, p. 11-16). People who work creatively based on Ningbo cultures, all types of developers, descendants of intangible cultural heritage, cultural researchers, management consultants, and even individuals interested in Ningbo regional culture, are the main beneficiaries of the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System. All users can get sophisticated, dynamic and personalized knowledge services. Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System can integrate big data technology for trend forecasting and design decision-making, encounter management system with multi-stakeholder, 3D scanning technologies for information collection, generative design and 3D printing technology for personalized customization well as virtual reality technology for diversified display. It necessitates investigating data insight in the context of the public knowledge service model.
Many cultural resources are streamlined and improved by semantic analysis and connotation mining using semantics models. We can research the methodologies used by culture-identify distinctive systems for creative design, and develop a wide range of culturally aided systems made available to design firms, designers, enterprises and organizations. They are capable of performing additional tasks as well as creative design for cultural products. Similar investigations have been made in the area of design research. Information technology, which has also given rise to numerous new service models, can be utilized to create generative designs employing colors, patterns and three-dimensional models from traditional culture (KULKARNI; MARE, 2022, p. 2). For instance, the subsequent creation of three-dimensional models of cultural artefacts can result in unique designs from which users can modify parameters. Users can create their distinctive creative gifts by utilizing three-dimensional printing technology. Using methods such as augmented reality, they can also develop digital material based on real-world things. A museum creative product sales facility may be the best application situation because it can promote visitor involvement with museums while creating financial rewards.
In order to construct the application tools for the Ningbo Cultural Design Expertise Service System, one needs to combine technology, design and business understanding. To achieve the road to knowledge integration and integrated innovation of the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System, it can draw lessons from the concept of an open platform, offer developers interfaces and open some data (GALINDO; NAVARRO; LUIS, 2019, p. 20). Open innovation is a technique for innovation that is better suited to the Internet era. Compared to closed innovation, it can draw in more stakeholders and give them more freedom. To design gradually the user’s experience of each service touch point, the Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System must consider all of the service touch points that may engage in open innovation. These touch points should be opened when the time is correct so that more people may benefit from the innovation and spread of Ningbo traditional culture.
The Ningbo Cultural Design Knowledge Service System serves as the foundation for the local cultural design and a distribution hub for players in the field. Creating a platform that spans time and location for communication and education about local cultures is feasible. Additionally, it will assist more designers in fully assimilating into the local culture and producing more and better design works. This action will create a tiny, neighborhood-based, connected and open designer community that supports the long-term preservation and advancement of the Ningbo regional culture through innovation. It will raise the level of cultural competency of the city.
In recent years, more and more designers have developed cultural design works with Ningbo regional culture as the object. However, designers from outside the large region still only have a scant understanding of Ningbo regional culture. The majority of design works are merely based on hazy impressions. There is no further breakthrough. On the other hand, regional cultural design is a relatively independent knowledge system, and its knowledge is implicit in the designers’ minds. Design is dynamic. It is choice, action and result. The acquisition, expression, storage and utilization of knowledge nourish design and production in the era of artificial intelligence.
In contrast, artistic design practice reverses the knowledge generated in the design process from the results. This knowledge, combined with the user’s knowledge, such as the needs, behaviors, motivations, experiences, emotions and the target users’ values, constitute an artistic design knowledge system. To inspire more designers to participate in Ningbo regional cultural design, building a relatively complete regional cultural design knowledge service system is necessary.
In the value sequence of culture, people should be in the leading position, the highest and final value. Design behavior meets human needs, and basic human needs include material and spiritual aspects. Due to different cultural types and demand levels, the material and spiritual characteristics of the culture in diachrony and synchrony are not necessarily unified, and, sometimes, extreme deviations may occur. However, as far as its development is concerned, the balance and harmony between spirit and material are natural or ideal. Accordingly, design should also seek the balance between science and technology and art, application and aesthetics, function and form, reason and sensibility, and non-naturalness and naturalness (YANG; YANG, 2018, p. 25). This necessitates that the design subject accomplishes the unity of rationality and sensibility, the unity of material standardization and spiritual initiative, the unity of limited freedom and comprehensive application, and the unity of universal design concepts and individual judgement (personality). This dynamic equilibrium or harmony can maintain the design organic and alive as a whole, adjust the relationship with the external world, and radically alter the people’s lives. In general, Chinese culture and philosophy are a form of life culture and philosophy. And “living” is not only an abstract spiritual form but also a process of breeding, nurturing and creating, which reflects the unity of methods and noumenon, namely “living” (LI et al., 2021, p. 1).
In conclusion, cultural design aids in the innovation of traditional culture through inheritance, enabling locals to acquire cultural identity through cultural products. However, because of the contingency of cultural design behavior itself, excellent artistic design works are challenging to capture. The cultural design process must be abandoned for sustainable design to be competitive. The decoding of cultural genes, based on cultural environment analysis, cultural picture extraction and cultural symbol mapping, is done at the early stages of artistic design ambiguity. In the intermediate phase of cultural design, unique cultural products are created based on an understanding and processing of the local cultural philosophy. And in the final phase of cultural design, the outcomes are shared and presented. The design flow itself reflects the flow of techniques and data. The objectives of artistic design knowledge management are to organize the cultural design stakeholders, express and store design information during the process, and categorize the design approaches employed.
As a result, this paper proposes a framework for a knowledge service system for cultural design based on regional cultural philosophy, investigates the rationale behind it and its potential applications in the future, and offers methodological advice for regional cultural design to develop sustainable design capabilities. Big data technology has the potential to promote actively the local cultural designers’ growth and incubation in the future. Through online mass innovation, we will investigate the cultural value of each region in depth, strengthen the basis and extension of local culture, and provide a standard for the production of new products and brand marketing.
On the other hand, it is possible to encourage the integrated development of culture melt-in industry heavily. And set up demonstration projects for the integrated development of cultural integration in the industry, which improves the locals’ awareness of the confidence in their own culture and the one about their businesses and fellow citizens. This step also enables the increased popularity of goods with a solid regional cultural heritage. Massive distribution and display raise the cultural appeal of the locality.
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Received: 07/01/2022
Approved: 12/01/2023
THE EVOLUTION AND SPREAD OF THE IMAGE OF "NAGAS BATHING SIDDHARTHA" IN BUDDHISM ART[45]
Abstract: The image of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha", an important theme in Buddhist art, was produced in India and has appeared successively in Xinjiang, Gansu, Qinghai, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Henan, Shandong, Jiangsu, Sichuan, Tibet and other places in China during the process of Buddhism spreading to the east. However, its forms and contents differ in different regions and different periods. Therefore, it is conducive to understand the sinicization process of Indian Buddhist art and can deepen the understanding of the specific contents of Buddhist art exchanges to study the differences. The innovative point of view of this paper is that the distribution of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" is "regional," and the variation of its style reflects the route and regional characteristics of Buddhist transmission.
Keywords: Nagas Bathing Siddhartha. Evolution. Two nagas. Nine nagas. Sinicization.
The image of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" is one of the important themes of Buddhist art to show the story of the nagas spraying water to bathe the Prince when he was born, which can be found in Xinjiang, Qinghai, Gansu, Shaanxi, Shanxi, Henan, Hebei, Jiangsu, Tibet, Sichuan and other places in China, or museums in the United States, Japan, and other countries or regions. Judging from the 67 image data collected by the author, the province with the largest "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" is Gansu, followed by Shanxi, Henan, and Shaanxi. The number of nagas in these images is not fixed, which though dominated by nine nagas, it also includes two, three, and four ones. Such as Geng Jian (2005, p. 91) argues that the birth image combines the Buddha's birth plot with the images of other plots into a closely connected picture. The newborn Prince Siddhartha made the "Seven Step Declaration" or was being bathed in nagas.
Predecessors have done a lot of research on this, such as the "irrigation" section in Li Jingjie (2004, p. 76): The Process of Chinese Acculturation in the Buddhist Fine Arts as Seen from Northern Dynasties' Carvings in Stone Recounting Buddhist Tales. A Focus on Pre-Natal and Post-Natal Scenes discusses the mechanization characteristics of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha", carved in the Northern grottoes, and single figures from northwest India to central China when they spread from Xinjiang to northwest India. Wang Huihui (2014, p. 1) sorted out the Buddhist scriptures related to "Siddhartha Bathing" in The Buddhist Story of Siddhartha Bathing: The Transformation from Text to Image and discussed the reasons for the differences between the contents of these images and Buddhist scriptures. In addition, Liu Lianxiang’s (2014, p. 8) Evolution of the Images of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha in the Buddhist Life Story of the Northern Dynasties, and Ma Jidong’s (2017, p. 76) Research on the Bathing Buddha Figures of the Northern Dynasties and Ma Lan (2017, p. 1). The Study on the Images of the Birth of Sakya in the Northern Dynasties also involved the same issue. On the one hand, these research results have laid the foundation for an in-depth discussion of the content and style of such images, but on the other hand, their content mainly focuses on two nagas or nine nagas in the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha". Seldomly, it involves the appearance evolution of three, four, six or eight nagas, let alone the in-depth analysis of the political background contained in the development and change of the number of dragon kings.
In order to study and discuss the evolution of the number of dragon kings in the image transmission from the nothing nagas, two nagas, three nagas, four nagas, eight nagas, nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha, etc., against the historical backdrop of various periods, this article intends to use the distribution of the picture in terms of region and time as a clue.
1 Overview of the current picture of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" in China
Buddhist art is a unique form of expression that is influenced by both Buddhist teachings and art technology and materials. The discussion of this paper about the image of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" is no exception. According to the pertinent classics compiled in the "Taisho Tripitaka," the descriptions of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" in Buddhist texts are primarily divided into the following categories:
The first form is two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha. The classics related to it include the Xiu Xing Ben Qi Jing, translated by Zhu Dali et al. in the Eastern Han dynasty; The Great Wisdom, translated by Kumarajiva in the later Qin Dynasty; and the Sutra of Great Renunciation, translated by Jinagupta in Sui Dynasty. The second form is no nagas spraying water. The relevant records are only found in the Buddhacarita, translated by Dharmaksema in the Northern Liang Dynasty. The third form is four nagas for abhiseka. The relevant records are found in the Tai Zi Rui Ying Ben Qi Jing, translated by Lokaksema in the Eastern Han Dynasty. The fourth form is nine nagas for abhiseka. The relevant records are only found in Lalitavistara Sutra, translated by Dharmaraksa in the Western Jin Dynasty. Obviously, the related Buddhist scriptures have the most records of the two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka and appear earlier. In comparison, the fourth type of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka has fewer records and appears later, which is obviously not found in the early Buddhist literature. Therefore, "nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka" may not be the inherent tradition of early Indian and Central Asian Buddhism, but a wrong conclusion in the translations of Buddhist scriptures influenced by Chinese culture.
To examine this issue, we must comprehensively discuss the two aspects of Buddhist scripture translation and images. In terms of translation, the record about nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka was first seen in the Lalitavistara Sutra, translated by the monk Dharmaraksa in Western Jin Dynasty. It can be speculated that nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha is more in line with the royal family’s noble characteristics. Chen Huaiyu (2012, p. 5) said: "But this was not generally accepted by the translators of the Buddhist scriptures of the same period and the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties."
It was not until the Tang Dynasty, which was widely quoted by Tao Xuan, Tao Shi, Xuan Zang and others in the Buddhist literature. In terms of image practice, the image of the nine nagas spraying water, in the Buddhist art of the Northern Dynasties, has Chinese characteristics and is also a common shape familiar to the people at the time. The highest rulers of the Northern Dynasties, including Later Zhao (during the Stone Tiger era), integrated this art style with their Buddhist practices. At that time, the Buddhist ceremonial rite involved water being sprayed. When erecting the Yaoguang Temple in the Northern Wei Dynasty, after transferring the capital to Luoyang, the royal family continued to implement the notion of nine nagas spraying water for abhiseka, establishing the architectural art of nine nagas showering water.
Therefore, the image of the nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka is an art form that originated in China and has a close relationship with the sinicization of Buddhism. The image of the nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka, in the Buddhist art of the Northern Dynasties, became ubiquitous in Buddhist carvings and paintings and, gradually, spread around the central plains. Of the 67 images of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" collected by the author, two were distributed in Xinjiang about 411-637 years, during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, when the picture of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha", which is found in Xinjiang today, had both two and nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha for abhiseka. They were affected by the dual expressions of India and the Central Plains in the image combination and layout. 26 of those imagens are in Gansu Province, mainly concentrated in the Mogao Grottoes of Dunhuang, in the Tang Dynasty, which is the area with the most pictures of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha". 10 of them are in Shanxi Province, mainly in the Yungang Grottoes, in the Northern Dynasties.
The statues are in the southeast of Shanxi, as well as the frescoes of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Among them, the statue of Song Dexing, in the third year of Tai'an, in the Northern Wei Dynasty, in 457 AD, is the earliest one found image of nine nagas for abhiseka with the exact age. The image carving style also has the characteristics of Buddhist art in the Pingcheng period[50].
Two other images were also found in the Yungang Grottoes. Most of the other ones were relics of the Northern Dynasties. Geographically, they were mainly located in the city of Peiping, in Jin Dynasty, and on the ancient roads leading to Luoyang in southeastern Shaanxi. Other such images, in Shanxi Province, are mostly left over from the Northern Dynasties, mainly distributed on the ancient road from Pingcheng to Luoyang. Eight images were found in the grottoes of Henan Province.
And statues, in the Luoyang area during the Northern Dynasties. The the earliest one appeared in during the period of Emperor Xiaoming, in the Northern Wei Dynasty. There are six images found in Shaanxi, mostly in the Northern Dynasties period. The earliest figure of nine nagas for abhiseka was the statue of Huangxing fifth year (471 years), unearthed in Wangjiaxiang, Xiguan, Xi'an in 1974. In Shandong and Jiangsu, one image for each of the nine nagas for abhiseka (Figure - 1), in the Northern Wei Dynasty, was found. Among which, the one in Shandong appeared in the stone carvings, in the Northern Wei Dynasty, while the one in Jiangsu appeared later on the stupa built in Qixia Temple, in the Sui Dynasty.
An image of nine nagas for abhiseka was found in Hebei, which appeared in the golden bronze statues of the Northern Wei Dynasty. One from Qinghai appeared in a mural in the Qing Dynasty. Three in Sichuan appeared in temple murals and grottoes after the Song Dynasty (Figure - 2). There are also four (Figure - 1) with statues of nine nagas. Although the site of the excavation is unknown, it can be inferred from the information provided by the stele that it was located in the northern central plains during the Northern Dynasties. The nine nagas image emerged mostly in the Central Plains region or the three provinces of Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan, near to the Central Plains region, during the Middle Paleozoic period, according to the chronological and geographic distribution of the image shown above. It gradually migrated to the nearby regions of Hebei, Gansu, Jiangsu, Shandong, Sichuan, Xinjiang and Qinghai. The majority of the photographs in the aforementioned locations are of nine nagas. However, there are also pictures of one naga, two nagas, three nagas, five nagas, six nagas and eight nagas.
Figure - 1 The Nine Nagas Bathing Siddhartha statue in Cave No. 4 of the Great Buddha Grottoes in Ansai District, Yan'an, Shaanxi
 |
Photographed by the author.
Figure - 2 Statue Tablet by Song Dexing in the Third Year of the Tai'an Regime in the Northern Wei Dynasty (457)
 |
WANG, 2014. p. 3.
2 The geographical distribution and image combination of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha"
Judging from the 67 images of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" in 11 provinces across the country, their distribution has obvious regional characteristics, with different differences in different regions. The image is composed of a prince, nagas spraying water (one or more), a Dragon King, a platform, etc. In the image, several nagas spraying water have become the most obvious key factor. Liu Lianxiang (2017, p.94) said: "Whether it is two nagas or nine nagas spraying water, the cultural phenomenon it reflects is fundamentally different." The geographical distribution is shown in the following table:
Table 1- Distribution and combination statistics of images of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha"
|
province |
Image content |
Image location |
Era |
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|
Xinjiang (2) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Qizil Cave No. 99 (Figure - 6)
Figure - 6 Nagas Bathing Siddhartha (line graph) Cave No. 99, Kizil, late 4th century. (LIU, 2014, p. 9) |
From 411 to 637 in the North- ern and Southern Dynasties |
|||
|
Two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Qizil Cave No. 110 |
From 411 to 637 in the North- ern and Southern Dynasties |
||||
|
Gansu (26) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Statue No. 10 at Cave No. 133 of Maiji Mountain Grottoes |
Northern Wei (504-534)： |
|||
|
Dunhuang Mogao Caves No. 290(Figure - 3), 294, No. 61, No. 133, No. 205, No. 222, 156, 186(Figure - 4), 200, 202, 231, 240, 361, No. 85, British Museum Stein.Ch. 00114, SP99 Cave No. 76
Figure - 3 Nine nagas are spraying water over Siddhartha for Abhiseca in Cave No. 290, Mogao Grottoes, Dunhuang, Northern Zhou Dynasty. (LIU, 2014, p. 12)
Figure - 4 Nine nagas spray water over Siddhartha for Abhiseca in Cave No. 186, Mogao Grottoes, Dunhuang, Middle Tang Dynasty. (WANG, 2014, p. 6) |
Northern Wei -Tang-Song Dynasties |
|||||
|
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Dunhuang Cave No. 72 |
Five Dynasties |
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|
Cave No. 454, Mogao Grottoes |
Early Song Dynasty |
|||||
|
Five nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Dunhuang Cave No. 112 |
Mid-Tang Dynasty (Tibetan regime in ancient China: Tubo) |
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|
Three nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Jingyao Temple Grottoes in Sunan Yugu Autonomous County |
Qing Dynasty |
||||
|
One nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Dunhuang Cave No. 117 |
Mid Tang Dynasty 781-848 |
||||
|
No nagas |
Cave No. 360 of Dunhuang Grottoes (only clouds and no dragons) |
Mid Tang Dynasty 781-848 |
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|
Shanxi (10) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Cave No. 6 of Yungang Grottoes in Datong (Figure - 5)
Figure - 5 Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha (Photographed by the author) |
Late 5th century |
|||
|
A statue tablet made in the Dexing Period of the Song Dynasty (Japanese Private Collection) (Figure - 2)
Figure - 2 Statue Tablet by Song Dexing in the Third Year of the Tai'an Regime in the Northern Wei Dynasty (457). (WANG, 2014, p. 3) |
Tai'an third year in the Northern Wei Dynasty (457) |
|||||
|
Statue tablet unearthed in Southwest Shanxi |
Yong'an 2nd year in the Northern Wei Dynasty (529) |
|||||
|
Murals of Chongshan Temple in Taiyuan |
Ming Dynasty |
|||||
|
Murals of Jingxin Temple in Taigu |
Qing Dynasty |
|||||
|
Six nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
A statue tablet by Zhang Bohe |
Yanxing 2nd year in the Northern Wei Dynasty 472 |
||||
|
Unknown |
A statue tablet by Rui Cheng |
The 4th year of the Datong Regime in the Western Wei Dynasty (538) |
||||
|
Unknown |
A statue tablet by Zhang Zhenjingin Yuncheng |
Unknown |
||||
|
Unknown |
A statue tablet by Yu Wenzhong |
The First Year of the Wucheng Regime in the Northern Qi Dynasty (561) |
||||
|
Severely weathered |
Cave No. 41, Yungang Grottoes, Datong |
Late 5th century |
||||
|
Shaanxi (6) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
A statue tablet excavated from Wangjia Alley, Xiguan, Xi'an in 1974 (collected by Xi'an Beilin Museum) |
Northern Wei Dynasty Heping two years(461) |
|||
|
A statue tablet excavated in |
The Fifth Year of |
|||||
|
Xingping County (collect- |
Heping Regime in |
|||||
|
ed by Xi'an Beilin Muse- |
the Northern Wei |
|||||
|
um) |
Dynasty (471) |
|||||
|
In 1983, the Maitreya Statue unearthed in Xi'an Xijiao Air Force Communication School |
Northern Wei Dynasty |
|||||
|
Shaanxi (6) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Cave No. 4 of the Great Buddha Grottoes in Ansai District, Yan'an, Shaanxi |
Northern Wei Dynasty -Western Wei Dynasty |
|||
|
Murals of Cave No. 36 of Yulin Cave |
Five Dynasties |
|||||
|
Seven nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Xian Beilin Museum Collection |
Statue of Northern Wei without a clear age |
||||
|
One naga spraying water over Siddhartha |
Cave No. 3 of Yulin Cave |
Western Xia Dynasty |
||||
|
Henan (8) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Statue tablet by Dao Han (Figure - 7)
Figure - 7 Nine nagas are spraying water over Siddhartha the main chamber of Cave No. 290 in Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes. (LIU, 2014, p. 12) |
The First Year of Xiaochang Regime in the Northern Wei Dynasty (525) |
|||
|
The ninth niche of the north wall of Yongdao of Yanshi Shuiquan Grottoes |
About the Emperor Xiaoming period |
|||||
|
Statue tablet in Qinyang |
The First Year of the Wuding Regime in the Eastern Wei Dynasty (543) |
|||||
|
Statue tablet by Dao Ying in Qinyang |
The Fourth Year of the Wuding Regime in the Eastern Wei Dynasty (546) |
|||||
|
Statue tablet in Junxian |
The Third Year of the Wuping Regime in the Northern Qi Dynasty (572) |
|||||
|
A statue tablet by Cui Yongxian and others in the Pingdeng Temple of Luoyang (Figure - 9)
Figure - 9 Statue Tablet by Cui Yongxian and other in Luoyang, Northern Qi Dynasty, Hena. (LIU, 2014, p. 11) |
Northern Qi Dynasty |
|||||
|
Niche S130 of Guyang Cave in Longmen Grottoes, Luoyang |
Emperor Xiaoming Period of the Northern Wei Dynasty (516-528) |
|||||
|
Niche S174 of Guyang Cave in Longmen Grottoes, Luoyang |
Emperor Xiaoming Period of the Northern Wei Dynasty (516-528) |
|||||
|
Unknown, presumed to be central northern China (6) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Statue of a cross-legged Maitreya, Collection of Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, USA (Figure - 8)
Figure - 8. The Stone Monument of Maitreya Bodhisattva (collected by Smithsonian Museum, USA), Northern Zhou Dynasty (6th century). (Collected by Smithsonian Museum) |
Late Eastern Wei Dynasty or Early Northern Qi Dynasty |
|||
|
Statue tablet |
The Third Year of the Yongping Regime in the North Wei Dynasty 510 |
|||||
|
Statue of a cross-legged Maitreya, a Japanese collection |
Northern Wei Dynasty |
|||||
|
Statue tablet |
The Tenth Year of the Tianbao Regime in the Northern Qi Dynasty (559) |
|||||
|
Stone monument of a cross-legged Maitreya Bodhisattva (Collection of Smithsonian Museum, USA) |
Northern Zhou Dynasty (6th century) |
|||||
|
Printmaking Shi Shi Yuan Liu |
Ming Dynasty |
|||||
|
Hebei (1) |
|
Gilt bronze statue of the Yang Family (Collection of Nitta clan, Tokyo, Japan) |
The First Year of Taihe Regime in the Northern Wei Dynasty (477) |
|||
|
Shandong (1) |
|
Stone Carvings in the Northern Wei Dynasty (Taian Museum Collection) |
Northern Wei Dynasty |
|||
|
Jiangsu (1) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
On the stupa of Qixia Temple in Nanjing |
The First Year of Emperor Renshou in the Sui Dynasty 601 |
|||
|
Qinghai (1) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
Picture 13 of the abbey around the Quran Temple |
Qing Dynasty repainting |
|||
|
Tibet (2) |
Two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
A statue in the main hall of Songzai Hall (three-story hall) of Ladakh Aqi Temple. |
Late 12th century or early 13th century |
|||
|
Aging Grottoes in Alizada County |
About 13-14th century |
|||||
|
Sichuan (3) |
Nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha |
No. 12 in Big Buddha Bay of Baoding Mountain Grottoes in Dazu, Chongqing- Ing |
Built-in Song Dynasty, about from 1174 to 1252 |
|||
|
Stone Carvings of Yuantong Temple, Yuchan Mountain, Luzhou |
Ming Dynasty |
|||||
|
One naga spraying water over Siddhartha |
Buddhist statues unearthed in Chengdu Wanfo Temple |
The Southern Dynasties |
Made by the author
From the perspective of iconologythe table above shows that the nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha of Cave No. 99 in Zier Grottoes, in Xinjiang, are the earliest known image of this type. The cave was excavated from the 5th to the 7th century, after the translation of the Lalitavistara, on the outer wall of the right tunnel of the back room of the nine nagas for abhiseka. Chen Huaiyu (2012, p. 350) said: "There are two half-kneeling humanoid dragon kings in the picture. The Prince has a dragon (snake-shaped dragon) on its head". On the right wall of the main room of Cave 110, in the same grotto, only two dragons, kneeling on both sides of the Prince, are bathing. From the composition and combination of the picture, this set of pictures and the Buddha carvings, in the Gandhara area, have a close interaction. The naked princes and the serpentine dragons are all affected by the Gandhara region of Central Asia, while the Central Plains politics influence nine nagas.
The development of Buddhism in the Central Plains region, during this time, is closely related to the abundance of dragon bathing princes, which have been discovered in the provinces of Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan in the northern part of the Central Plains. These princes are most frequently represented by nine nagas spraying for abhiseka. Not only significant cities, like Datong, Taiyuan, Luoyang and Yecheng were constructed, but also enormous grottoes, like Yungang, Tianlong Mountain, Xiangtang Mountain and Longmenn were dug out, in addition to a significant number of Buddhist temples. A large number of Buddhist grottoes and monasteries has been built along the routes from Datong, Shanxi, Luoyang, Henan, Yecheng, Hebei and Xi'an, Shaanxi. Judging from the data of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" found in these three areas, it is most common to express the composition form of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha There is also a small number of graphic combinations of one naga, six nagas, seven nagas and eight nagas. Specifically, a total of 22 images of nine nagas spraying for abhiseka was found in Shanxi, Shaanxi and northern Henan, including four ones in Shanxi, five in Shaanxi and 8 images in Henan. There are four ones with the unclear site of excavation and one of the prints from the Ming Dynasty. These images of nine nagas spraying water over siddhartha are mainly concentrated in the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, so Pingcheng or Luoyang, at that time, should be the birthplace of such statues. Three images were found in Sichuan Province relatively late. A No.12 Buddha of Big Buddha Bay in Baoding Mountain Grottoes, in Dazu, Chongqing, was built in the Song Dynasty (approximately from 1174 to 1252). The Song Dynasty artisans carved nine dragon heads on the cliff walls, ingeniously leading water into the mouth of the dragon to express the image story of nine nagas. Another stone carving for Yuantong Temple, Yuchan Mountain, Luzhou, Sichuan, built in the Ming Dynasty, shows the theme of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha. The third place is a Buddhist statue tablet unearthed at the Wanfo Temple in Chengdu, Sichuan, during the Southern Dynasties without a clear age. The back line of the stele engraves images of one naga spraying water over Siddhartha.
The pictures of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha, found in Gansu Province, are mainly concentrated in the Mogao Grottoes, in Dunhuang. Although the image combination has a variety of forms, such as one naga spraying water over Siddhartha, three nagas, five nagas and six dragon spraying water over Siddhartha, most of them are nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha. The period is large: from the Northern Wei Dynasty to the Tang and Song periods. One case was found in Qinghai Province. It was built late in the Ming Dynasty and repainted in the Qing Dynasty. It is shown in the cloister mural painting on the top of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha. There are two cases in Tibet later, from the twelfth century to the fourteenth century, showing two nagas spraying for abhiseka. In the Ladakh Aqi Temple, in the late 12th century or early 13th century, the image of the two nagas spraying for abhiseka appears on the skirt of the statue of the clay sculpture of Maitreya in the main hall of the Songzai Hall (three-story hall). Another spot was found in the Aqingou Grotto of Alizada, Tibet, built in the 13th to 14th centuries. The Buddhist story of two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha is shown, in the fifth scene, in the mural of Cave 2. The image shows the two dragon kings on the clouds above the Buddha.
Judging from the changes in the combination of the image of Nagas Bathing Siddhartha, a large number of pictures has been found in the Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes in Gansu Province and Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan provinces, in the northern part of the Central Plains, which was influenced by Chinese cultural traditions. But there are also many images representing no naga, one naga, five nagas, six nagas and eight nagas. These may be the cognition of the fuzzy stage, in the translated scriptures, and the artistic expression of the fuzzy stage of the ancient craftsmen. In other words, it is the fuzzy stage of cognition of the image transmission process. Shanxi is the earliest area where the image of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha has been found. The three provinces of Hebei, adjacent to Shanxi, Shandong and Jiangsu adjacent to Henan, are similar in image layout and carving techniques to the Northern Wei Dynasty in Central Plains. Sichuan, adjacent to Shaanxi and Gansu. Due to its influence, most of them appear as a combination of images of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha. Xinjiang and Qinghai are farther away from the Central Plains area. They are represented by the two nagas bathing Siddhartha. It can be observed that they are less affected by the political context of the Central Plains. As a result, it has been hypothesised that they are directly impacted by the two nagas bathing in the Gandhara region of Central Asia and India. From Buddhist texts to images, from India to Central Asia and to the Central Plains, the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha image has evolved over time, with regional variations.
3 Spread of THE "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" image and the evolution of foreign art style
The spread of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" image and the evolution of foreign art styles are specifically expressed in the following three points from the perspective of modeling:
Firstly, the change in the naga modelling features, which varies significantly from place to place and time. There is no dragon in the picture of Nagas Bathing Siddhartha in India. The image of the dragon spraying water (an Indian snake-shaped dragon) appears in the Gandhara and Xinjiang regions. The image of “the Chinese Dragon” has evolved from the Indian snake-shaped dragon to the Chinese dragon. It has experienced the evolution from no dragon to two to nine dragons. In the Kizil Caves in Xinjiang, the cultural factors of the Indian snake-shaped dragons are preserved in the early grottos and statues in Shaanxi, Shanxi and Henan. Indian snake-shaped dragons and Chinese dragons can also be found in the sculptures of some statues. During the transformation process, in the image carving of the Zhangbohe statue-like dragon, in the second year of Yanxing, the muzzle is obviously longer The dragon head also has long horns, retaining the snake-shaped body without limbs. The image of the dragon in Cave 290 of Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, in the Gansu murals, has limbs. There is also a more typical head that resembles the Chinese dragon in Chinese culture. It has double horns, a large mouth, a protruding front muzzle, etc. As a result, the Chinese dragon gradually took the place of the Indian dragon in the process of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha spreading. The evolution of this process might not take place over time but rather simultaneously in various places, leading to various outcomes in various places.
Secondly, the change in the modeling features of the dragon king. The image of the dragon king has also evolved into various forms in the process of spreading among different cultural regions, including those directly represented by the dragon, those kneeling on one knee, those standing up, those two bodhisattvas with headlights and those two messengers without light. For example, the scene of the combination of characters in the statue, the one of the tenth year of the Tianbao Regime in the Northern Qi Dynasty (559), is obviously influenced by the art of Gandhara and is also the first appearance on the statue of China.
Third, the change in the modeling features of Siddhartha and the types of golden tables. In the process of regional transmission, the Siddhartha shape has obviously changed from being naked to wear clothes, which is specifically reflected in the image of a prince with a naked upper body, wearing ancient pants with a crotch, shorts and a skirt. Besides, the types of golden tables on which the Prince stands have obvious regional characteristics and differences, such as a round table with few feet, a round table with covered lotus, a curved table, a square straight table, an arched curved table, a curved table with figure eight, and a traditional Chinese style table. These modeling features not only reflect the localization of Gandhara style in China, but also the localization of foreign art styles.
During the process of cross-regional transmission, the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha is affected by the interaction of different regional cultural factors. On the one hand, it inherits the cultural factors of the origin of Indian Buddhism. On the other hand, it is transformed and integrated with local cultural factors during the cross-regional communication process. It formed its cultural characteristics. In the process of regional evolution and the sinicization of foreign art styles, it has experienced a complex evolution process. After analyzing the deep-seated change process, the author believes that the following three points can be summarized:
First of all, the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha is a product of the spatiotemporal environment of the prosperity of Buddhism and the transformation of Buddhist thought. It is closely related to feudal imperial power. From the time when the 67 images of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha, studied in this article, appeared, the nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha mainly appeared from the 5th century to the 9th century, from the Northern Wei Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, among which there were many discoveries in the Northern Wei Dynasty, a few ones in the Eastern Wei Dynasty, the Western Wei Dynasty and the Northern Qi Dynasty.
In the Tang Dynasty, there were many manifestations in Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes, which reflected the prosperous development of Buddhism in the northern central plains from Pingcheng, in the Northern Wei Dynasty, to Luoyang, and also the prosperity of the Buddhist kingship, such as Yungang Grottoes, Longmen Grottoes, Xiangtang Mountain Grottoes, etc., which the royal family built at huge expense. Along with the creation of the Kizil Grottoes and Maiji Mountain Grottoes, during the Northern Wei Dynasty, there are also numerous sculptures of folk statues and monolithic monuments. All of these have depictions of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha from Buddhist tales. The Nagas Bathing Siddhartha figure, which represented Maitreya beliefs, was the most successful work of Buddhist art in the Huang Mogao Grottoes during the Tang Dynasty.
This work also reflected the concept of the Tang Dynasty about the Buddhist kingship. The author believes that this is because the image of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha is a traditional Chinese culture that recognizes the concept of kingship in a more intuitive and visual form. So, it was understood and accepted by the general public at that time. The actual needs for doctrine and the need to propagate Buddhism doctrines also show that the prosperity of Buddhism, in the Middle Ages, emphasized the propaganda of Buddhist doctrines too. In short, the example of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha embodies the compatibility of Chinese Buddhism, and the representation of the image also reflects the strong Han culture of Buddhism.
Secondly, the image of Nagas Bathing Siddhartha reflects the route and the regional characteristics of Buddhism. Based on the geographical and temporal analysis of the 67 pictures of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha found so far, we can roughly describe the spread of the story of nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha, as being a Buddhist story. During the period from Northern Wei to Sui and Tang Dynasties, the core areas for the propaganda of Buddhist art were Shanxi. The Central Plains area, dominated by Henan and Shanxi, was most prosperous in the Mogao Grottoes area of Dunhuang, Gansu, during the Tang Dynasty. The images spread widely in different areas, showing Hebei, Shandong and Jiangsu as the core to the surrounding areas, Sichuan and other places.
Based on the geographical distribution time and the quantity of the image of Nagas Bathing Siddhartha collected in this article, it can be speculated its propagation route. It is the process of going from India through Central Asia to Middle Earth, first through the translated scriptures. The sinicized expression of the Chinese language and the interaction of the Chinese cultural traditions in the translation of the scriptures changed from the image of two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha to nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha in the Chinese context. It should appear in the northern Central Plains area for the first time, forming Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan. Under the influence of Han culture, the core area of the region spread east to Hebei and Shandong, west to Xinjiang, Gansu and Sichuan, and south to Jiangsu.
There is something to discuss from Mr. Liu Lianxiang's viewpoint. Furthermore, from the political context, the change from two nagas spraying water over Siddhartha to nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha is the result of the political rhetoric needed in the northern Central Plains region. The theme of the Nine Nagas Bathing Siddhartha does not exist in the early Indian Buddhist literature, nor does the concept of nine nagas in ancient India, which is the tradition of Han culture.
The image of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha has undergone a continuous development process in historical transmission. The new ideas, which appeared in the Chinese translation of the early Buddhist literature, originated from the context of Chinese culture. At least, two aspects must be needed and reformatted in the Chinese translation of the Buddhist scriptures. One is the transformation of the dragon from early Indian literature into the dragon of Chinese culture The other is the transformation of the two nagas from Indian literature into nine nagas. Through the spread of translated scriptures, Buddhism introduced the idea of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha to Middle- Earth. Dharmaraksa added nine nagas to the scriptures he translated as opposed to the two dragons of the Sanskrit translations.
To understand why the two dragons were replaced with nine nagas, one needs to be familiar with the Chinese cultural background at the time. The nine nagas have become a symbol of imperial power at least in the late Han Dynasty. The royal family of Luoyang, in the post-Han Dynasty, and the Three Kingdoms period all built the nine nagas Hall in Luoyang. The nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha, invented in the Lalitavistara by Dharmaraksa of the Western Jin Dynasty, had a lot to do with his travels in Luoyang and may also be influenced by the architecture of Luoyang Jiulong Hall, as a symbol of royal status. Later, Dharmaraksa created the nine nagas spraying water over Siddhartha, which became the ideological foundation of the Jiuguang Temple in the Northern Wei Dynasty. Chen Huaiyu (2012, p. 345) said: "In essence, nine nagas spraying for abhiseka is based on the introduction of the noblest symbol of kingship in the Central Plains into the Buddhist translation. Dharmaraksa had been translating sutras in Luoyang for a long time".
In ancient Chinese political life, nine nagas and Jiulong Hall were linked together. Therefore, Dharmaraksa introduced the nine nagas motif into Buddhist translation by using the nine nagas to embellish the emperor's authority and dignity in the political discourse of the Central Plains and to express the grandeur and majesty of the Buddha as the sovereign Prince. He was born in a Chinese political environment and employed two nagas to perform bathing, which is obviously not as forceful as the performance of nine nagas It is another reason for changing the concept of two nagas showering water over Siddhartha to nine nagas. Appropriately, as a political rhetoric, nine nagas entered the Buddhist level from the court level, which was the result of the need for political rhetoric of the times, which is very common in ancient Buddhist art.
In a word, from the perspective of graphics, "dragon spraying water", in the image of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha", has become the most obvious key factor. And snake dragons are all affected by the Kendra region in Central Asia.
From a regional perspective, the number of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" has been found in Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan provinces, in the north of the Central Plains, which is closely related to the development of Buddhism in the Central Plains during this period.
Its distribution is obviously regional and is closely related to the prosperity of religious development and the development route.
To sum up, according to the data of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha found so far, they are mainly distributed in Shanxi, Henan and Shaanxi, in the Central Plains of the North, and Mogao Grottoes, in Dunhuang, Gansu, and earlier, in Xinjiang geographically. It was also found in a small amount in Hebei, Shandong, Jiangsu, Sichuan and other places. The earliest place with the exact chronology of the image of nine nagas spraying water over siddhartha was Shanxi, in the northern central plains, during the Northern Wei Dynasty. Influenced by the Han culture in the Central Plains, the discovery sites of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha in northern China are mostly distributed along Gansu, Shanxi, Henan and Shaanxi and, gradually, spread to Hebei, Shandong and Sichuan. The "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" picture is a typical and common pattern in Buddhist art that expresses the story of the Buddhist tradition. Buddhism has experienced the transmutation process of the sinicization of foreign art styles in its spread. The change in its image structure is related to the spread of translated scriptures, the traditional cultural concepts of the Central Plains and other factors.
From the perspective of image analysis and religious development, this paper examines the causes of the change of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" by regional division. Based on the research of the image of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha", in the sculpture art of ancient India and Gandhara, this paper compares the image with the image of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" in 11 provinces of China. It compares it between regions to obtain the development and change rules of the image of "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" and analyze its causes in combination with the literature materials. In other words, the evolution of the image of the "Nagas Bathing Siddhartha" is not only affected by political factors, such as the cultural disparities between the Central Plains and the Western Regions, but also by the path that Buddhism took for its spread and the work that is being done to translate the scriptures of the Buddha. The image combinations in different regions have similarities and differences. Its evolutionary process was endowed with different symbolic meanings by different people in different kinds of literature at different times and on different occasions and served different purposes. Nine nagas spraying for abhiseka was inspired by political rhetoric at the time and was introduced into Buddhist translations. Finally, it returned to the historical political reality and experienced a development process from the political rhetoric to the religious rhetoric and, later, to the political rhetoric. An in-depth study of the spread and evolution of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha, images have an important academic value and a research significance for studying the evolution of foreign art styles in China.
Recherche sur la propagation et la transmutation du “Dragon Bathing Prince” dans l'art bouddhique
Résumé: L'image du “Dragon baignant le prince” est un thème important dans l'art bouddhique. L'image est née en Inde, et pendant le processus de propagation du bouddhisme vers l'est, elle est apparue dans le Xinjiang, le Gansu, le Qinghai, le Shanxi, le Shaanxi, le Henan, le Shandong, le Jiangsu, le Sichuan, le Tibet et d'autres endroits en Chine. Cependant, la forme et le contenu de ces images sont différents selon les régions et les périodes. L'étude de cette différence est non seulement propice à la compréhension du processus de sinisation de l'art bouddhiste indien, mais approfondit également la compréhension du contenu spécifique de l'échange de l'art bouddhiste l'art entre la Chine et l'Inde.
Mots-clés: Prince baigneur de dragons. Deux dragons. Neuf dragons. Sinisation.
CHEN, H. Y. Animals and Medieval Political, and Religious Order. Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books, 2012.
FAN, J. S., MEI, L. Miscellaneous study of the image of Cave No.112 of Mogao Grottoes. Dunhuang Studies, n. 4, p. 3-8, 1996.
GENG, J. A Comparison of the Images of "The Birth of Siddhartha" in the Reliefs of Bandhara Buddha and the Murals of Kizil Buddha. Art observation, n. 2, p. 91-98, 2005.
LI, J. J. Irrigation section in the article The Process of Chinese Acculturation in the Buddhist Fine Arts as Seen from Northern Dynasties Carvings in Stone Recounting Buddhist Tales: A Focus on Pre-natal and Post-natal Scenes. Palace Museum Journal, n. 4, p. 76-79, 2004.
LIU, L. X. Evolution of the Images of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha in the Buddhist Life Story of the Northern Dynasties. Dunhuang Research, n. 6, p. 8-12, 2014.
LIU, L. X. A research on the statue of Wei Yongan in the north of the Boston Museum of Art in two years. Archaeology and Cultural Relics, n. 2, p. 94-100, 2017.
MA, J. D. Research on the Bathing Buddha Figures of the Northern Dynasties. Journal of Guizhou University (Art Edition), n. 4, p. 76-78, 2017.
MA, L. The Study on the Images of the Birth of Sakya in the Northern Dynasties. East China Normal University, n. 2, p. 1, 2017.
WANG, H. H. Siddhartha's Bath in the Buddhist Story of Siddhartha Bathing: The Transformation from Text to Image. Dunhuang Research, n. 6, p. 1-3, 2014.
Received: 26/07/2022
Approved: 10/11/2022
Comment on “THE EVOLUTION AND SPREAD OF THE IMAGE OF “NAGAS BATHING SIDDHARTHA” IN BUDDHISM ART”
Commented Article: LIU, Xiaodan; XIA, Huiwen; MA,Tao, DANG, Qi. The evolution and spread of the image of "Nagas bathing Siddhartha" in Buddhism art. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 263- 284, 2023.
This is a scintillating work taking into stock the evolution and spread of the image of Buddha’s bathing at Nagas in Buddhism Art. Liu et al (2023) have not neglected even the slightest nuances and subtle changes that took place in the evolution and dissemination of the image of Buddha’s bathing. The representation of Nagas bathing Siddhartha illustrates the history of Buddhism and geographical diversity. It can be summed up as the dissemination of the Buddhist legend of nine Nagas dousing Siddhartha in water based on the geographical and historical study of the 67 images of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha collected so far. The Central Plains, which Henan and Shanxi dominated, were most affluent in the Mogao Grottoes area of Dunhuang, Gansu, during the Tang Dynasty. The images spread widely in various areas, showing Hebei, Shandong and Jiangsu, as the core to the nearby areas, Sichuan and other places. Shanxi was the primary location for Buddhist art propaganda during this time period (HÄRTEL; MARIANNE, 1982).
It is possible to hypothesize on the dissemination path of Nagas Bathing Siddhartha based on the geographical dispersion time and quantity of the image collected in this article. It involves first travelling through the translated scriptures before travelling from India through Central Asia to Middle Earth. Due to the sinicized portrayal of the Chinese language and the interplay of Chinese cultural traditions, the image of two nagas pouring water over Siddhartha was changed to nine nagas showering water over Siddhartha in the Chinese context. Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan should be the first to emerge in the northern Central Plains region where it should initially appear.SMITH, 1998). Under the influence of Han culture, the centre of the area grew to include Hebei and Shandong in the east, Xinjiang, Gansu and Sichuan in the west, and Jiangsu in the south. There is a subject to discuss, in Mr. Liu Lianxiang’s opinion. In addition, the political rhetoric required in the northern Central Plains region caused the alteration from two nagas splashing water over Siddhartha to nine nagas pouring water over Siddhartha (FOLTZ, 2010).
The motif of the Nine Nagas Bathing Siddhartha and the notion of the Nine Nagas in Ancient India, which is the legacy of Han culture, do not appear in early Indian Buddhist literature. In the course of historical transmission, the picture of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha has experienced continual development. The Chinese translation of the early Buddhist literature introduced certain novel concepts rooted in Chinese culture (GRÜNWEDEL, 1901). The Buddhist texts must be translated into Chinese with at least two facets added and presented differently. Two examples include the metamorphosis of the two nagas from Indian literature into nine nagas and the dragon from early Indian literature into the dragon of Chinese culture. Buddhism brought the concept of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha to Middle-earth through the dissemination of translated texts. Instead of the two dragons that appeared in the Sanskrit translations, Dharmaraksa inserted nine nagas. One must be aware of the historical Chinese cultural context to comprehend why the twin dragons were changed to nine nagas (JARRIGE, 2001).
The nine nagas represent imperial strength, at least since the late Han Dynasty. During the post-Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms period, the royal family of Luoyang built the nine nagas Hall in the city. The nine nagas Dharmaraksa of the Western Jin Dynasty, sculpted to sprinkle water over Siddhartha in the Lalitavistara, had much to do with his travels in Luoyang. It is conceivable that the construction of Luoyang Jiulong Hall, as a symbol of royal rank, also had an effect. Later, Dharmaraksa constructed the nine nagas dousing Siddhartha in water, which served as the philosophical fulcrum of the Jiuguang Temple throughout the Northern Wei Dynasty. According to Chen Huaiyu (2012, p. 345), “In essence, the incorporation of the noblest representation of monarchy in the Central Plains into the Buddhist interpretation is the basis for the nine nagas spraying for abhiseka. In Luoyang, Dharmaraksa had been interpreting sutras for a while.” (KOSSAK et al., 1998).
Jiulong Hall and the nine nagas have a connection to ancient Chinese politics. Dharmaraksa used the nine nagas to portray Buddha’s magnificence and splendor as the royal Prince and to enhance the emperor’s power and dignity in the political discourse of the Central Plains, thus introducing the theme of the nine nagas into Buddhist translation. Another reason for modifying the idea of two nagas pouring water over Siddhartha to nine ones is that the Prince was raised in a Chinese political setting and used two nagas to perform bathing, which is less potent than the performance of nine ones. Nine nagas appropriately reached the Buddhist levels from the court level as political rhetoric, which was the outcome of the necessity for political rhetoric at the time and is highly prevalent in old Buddhist art (LEE, 2003).
The Central Plains of the North, specifically Shanxi, Henan and Shaanxi, as well as the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, Gansu, and previously in Xinjiang, are where the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha has been reported to be most prevalent. Additionally, it was discovered in small quantities in Hebei, Shandong, Jiangsu, Sichuan and other locations. Shanxi in the north central plain, during the Northern Wei Dynasty, is the first location with a definite chronology of the depiction of nine nagas dousing Siddhartha in water. The discovery locations of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha in northern China, which were inspired by the Han culture in the Central Plains, are mostly scattered along Gansu, Shanxi, Henan and Shaanxi. Subsequentely, they were extended to Hebei, Shandong and Sichuan. A frequent and popular motif in Buddhist art that tells the tale of the Buddhist lineage is the image of “Nagas Bathing Siddhartha.” As Buddhism has grown, foreign art forms have undergone a transformation known as sinicization. The dissemination of translated scriptures, Central Plains cultural traditions and other elements are all connected to the alteration in its image structure (LEIDY; STRAHAN, 2010).
The geographical variety of “Nagas Bathing Siddhartha” is examined in this study from the perspectives of image processing and religious development. In 11 Chinese provinces, the image of “Nagas Bathing Siddhartha” is described in this article. In order to comprehend the development of the “Nagas Bathing Siddhartha” picture and to analyze its reasons in conjunction with the literature materials, it compares it across areas. This comparison is based on research on the image of “Nagas Bathing Siddhartha” in the sculpture craftsmanship of the Indus Valley civilization and Gandhara. As a result, the development of the image of the “Nagas Bathing Siddhartha” is influenced not only by political factors, such as the cultural differences between the Central Plains and the Western Regions, as well as the route that Buddhism took for its spread and the ongoing work to translate the Buddha’s writings (LERNER, 1984).
There are both commonalities and variances among the image pairings in various places. Its enabling was given various symbolic interpretations by various authors in multiple genres of literature at different points in time and for various reasons. The political language of the day served as inspiration for the phrase “nine nagas spraying for abhiseka,” which was added to Buddhist translations (SCARRE, 1991). Following a progression from campaign discourse to religious viewpoints to political rhetoric, it later returned to the historical and political reality. Studying the dissemination and development of the Nagas Bathing Siddhartha pictures is crucial for understanding how foreign art forms have changed throughout the history of China.
References
FOLTZ, R. C. Religions of the Silk Road: Premodern Patterns of Globalization. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
GRÜNWEDEL, A. Buddhist art in India. Transl. from the ‘Handbuch’ of Albert Grünwedel by Agnes Gibson. Rev. and enlarged by Jas. Burgess, London: Quaritch, 1901 (Internet Archive).
HÄRTEL, H.; MARIANNE, Y. Along the Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian art from the West Berlin State Museums. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1982.
JARRIGE, J. F. Arts Asiatiques- Guimet (Éditions de la Réunion des Musées Nationaux ed.). Paris: Broché, 2001.
KOSSAK, S.M. et al. Sacred Visions: Early Paintings from Central Tibet. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998.
LEE, S. A History of Far Eastern Art. 5. ed. New York: Prentice Hall, 2003.
LEIDY, D. P.; STRAHAN, D. Wisdom Embodied: Chinese Buddhist and Daoist Sculpture in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2010.
LERNER, M. The Flame and the Lotus: Indian and Southeast Asian art from the Kronos collections. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1984.
LIU, X.; XIA, H.; MA, T., DANG, Q. The evolution and spread of the image of "Nagas bathing Siddhartha" in Buddhism art. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 263- 284, 2023.
SCARRE, C. et al. Past Worlds. The Times Atlas of Archeology. London: Times Books, 1991.
SMITH, J. Arts of Korea. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998.
Received: 07/01/2023
Approved: 10/01/2023
How should we think about common prosperity and challenges in the context of financialization? [52]
Abstract: China is actively promoting common prosperity to address the contradiction of unbalanced and inadequate development. Financialization has become the backdrop for common prosperity. How understanding the changing connotations of common prosperity and the factors influencing it in this context becomes the subject of this paper. We argue that the imbalance between income from assets and labor and the new forms of value generation are the reasons why common prosperity is difficult to achieve. To justify this conclusion, this paper examines financialization from the critical perspective of the Marxist political economy, cites the financialization case in China and discusses the real and ideological challenges facing common prosperity. The paper analyzes the nature of a new form of fetishism, financialization fetishism, and introduces the concept of narrative value, thus exposing the distortion of people's value ideology by financialization fetishism and the obscuring and erosion of labor value by the mystification of narrative value.
Keywords: Common Prosperity. Financialization Fetishism. Narrative Value. Challenges. Financialization.
INTRODUCTION
In 2022, we are surprised to find that even as the COVID epidemic has been going on for almost three years and regional conflicts have escalated, millions of people are becoming poorer due to closed state, loss of their business opportunities and even their jobs. By comparison, the financial capital, represented by the giant investment banks and the profits of the companies they support, is gaining momentum. While we lament the resilience of financialization, what happened reminds us of John Rawls' famous saying that “[...] justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought.” (RAWLS, 1999, p. 3). In addition, fairness in the distribution of wealth is the most amazing form of justice in the setting of financialization. This prompts us to consider how we view shared prosperity in the age of financialization. It has become crucial to comprehend the modern meanings of ordinary prosperity as well as the difficulties it encounters.
Economic research on common prosperity currently concentrates on the financial impacts, roles and financing strategies in attempts to combat poverty. That means they emphasize finance as a practical tool for fulfilling common prosperity (ZHANG, 2021, p. 33). Some contend to believe that the attempts of China to promote common prosperity are discussed from the innovation of financial instruments through institutional design, suggesting how common prosperity can be achieved, how green finance can be utilized and how the financial market can be established to forestall financial risks (ZHANG; LIU, 2021, p. 32). Some seek empirical evidence that common prosperity and financial inclusion can be associated with the decreased gap between the rich and the poor (ZOU; NI, 2021, p. 48). In contrast, others tend to examine the instrumental role of finance in common prosperity about how to lift people out of poverty (DENG; SUN, 2017, p. 138). With empirical data, Su (2017, p. 69) demonstrates the effect of monetary funds in targeted poverty alleviation. Yin (2019, p. 34) contends that inclusive finance has delivered good results in tackling poverty and puts forward methods and strategies to ensure financial availability, coverage and satisfaction in rural areas of China.
In philosophy and ethics, the theoretical study of common prosperity mainly deals with the connotation of common prosperity, the relationship between common prosperity and Marxist theory and the relationship between common prosperity and socialism. For example, Cheng and Liu (2012, p. 41) interpret the connotation of common prosperity in the context of socialist development goals. Dong Zhenhua (2016, p. 13) turns common prosperity into a shared development issue and explores its inner connection with Marxist theory. Some explain the connotation of common prosperity from the spiritual direction (XIANG; MA, 2022, p. 11). Chen and Liu (2006, p. 42) comparatively study Mao Zedong's and Deng Xiaoping's ideas on common prosperity.
Beyond China, the inequality framework examines articles related to common prosperity (FU; GAO, 2022, p. 11). Some conclude that the labor market environment and the social policies of China from 1988 to 2018 have contributed to the common prosperity of everyone (KAKWANI et al., 2022, p. 28). However, countries with severe financialization and genuine estate bubbles have increased income inequality, and workers and their families have been hit even harder (STOCKHAMMER, 2022, p. 39). By contrast, people in management grow their income much faster in consumption-led economic growth in financialization (VASUDEVAN, 2016, p. 397). Against this backdrop, some advocate developing innovative financial products to help low-income consumers and the marginalized ones by examining the impact of digital technologies on the relationship between financialization and income inequality in 54 countries from 2010 to 2015 (MOHD et al., 2021, p. 1339).
Studies of common prosperity from the perspective of finance and economics tend to go empirical, fragmented and one-sided, ignoring the totality and philosophy as a critical presuppositional approach to thought and thus concluding that financialization can promote common prosperity. The fact is that financialization is the very cause of the widening gap between the rich and the poor, and to use finance as a tool to achieve common prosperity is to invert the cause-and-effect relationship. On the other hand, research from a philosophical perspective tends to be inescapable among the connotations and concepts themselves, resulting in a disconnect between theory and practice. Scholars outside of China have examined the issue of income disparity from such ethical perspectives as equality. Yet, their lack of understanding the actual situation of the country makes it more of a broad theoretical study. Therefore, we must return to the Marxist approach to political economy criticism as we combine financialization and common prosperity with philosophical inquiry. In addition, research on the ideological dimensions of the impact of financialization on the distribution of value needs to be given sufficient attention.
The current encroachment of finance capital on labor and the dominance of abstraction over man, phenomena known as objectification, are reflected in the trend of deepening of the financialization. This is an objectification phenomenon that highlights the dominance of man through his creations and a certain socio-historical framework in the evolution of human society. The revolutionary nature of Marxist philosophy lies in its critical dialectical nature Its contemporary significance lies in the fact that it sees the good side of financialization in promoting economic and social development and its various disadvantages. Karl Marx's critique of political economy is an essential theoretical perspective for analyzing the trend of financialization. Amid financialization, bifurcation has become an irresistible trend, and individual efforts and abilities can hardly play a role in the practice of common prosperity. This is due, on the one hand, to the fact that, at the level of real economic and social development, property income is higher than labor income capacity. On the other hand, financialization fetishism has played a significant role as an extreme form of ideology, with financialization further reinforcing the domination of material over humans and of abstraction over human life. The domination in the age of financialization takes on a new form of fetishism-financialized fetishism. From the point of view of the forms of value, it is crucial to break the new form of fetishism in the age of financialization-the mystification of narrative values, which makes labor values obscure and erode.
The paper is divided as follows. In the first part, we will give a theoretical examination of the phenomenon of financialization from the critical perspective of the Marxian political economy. In the second part, we examine the general situation of financialization in China and propose the contemporary connotations of common prosperity in the context of financialization. The third part, based on the reality of economic and social development, analyzes the overall problem of common prosperity amid financialization and the logic underlying the distribution of social wealth. The right to value determination, the priority of value-added logic, the impact of price dilution on the challenges and totality of common prosperity are explored. The fourth part, based on the first three parts, examines the deeper impact of financialization on common prosperity at an ideological level. It works to articulate that the impact of financialization has gone beyond the general economic sphere and it is internalized in the consciousness structure of the subject. This section analyses the fetishistic nature of financialization and suggests that the essence of financialization fetishism lies in the mystification of narrative values. We introduced the concept of narrative value to understand the nature of financialized fetishism and the underlying reasons for its obscuring of labor values, thereby presenting the ideological dilemmas in achieving common prosperity. The fifth part is the concluding remarks.
1 FINANCIALIZATION IN CRITICAL MARXIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY
From the specific social and historical conditions and productivity conditions, Marxism holds that production is the foundation of finance, and productivity specified by reality is the fundamental source of deepening financialization. Modern finance is based on the rapid development of industrial capitalism and the great demand for monetary capital in sizeable industrial production. Karl Marx made an in-depth study of the manifestation of financialization in the period of industrial capitalism and the logical space of financial capital, which laid a theoretical foundation for studying the causes and consequences of financialization.
From the perspectives of Marx's interest-earning capital, virtual capital, credit, and the relationship between banks and industries, this paper analyzes the financial signs in the era of industrial capitalism. The movement of interest-bearing capital is G-G-W-G’-G’, and for its owners, it is the direct movement of G-G', showing the characteristics of making money. In this regard, Marx identified the internal driving force of financialization, expressing that the purpose of capitalist production is to make money. “[...] the process of production appears merely as an unavoidable intermediate link, as a necessary evil for the sake of money-making.” (MARX, 2010a, p. 64).
At first, virtual capital and credit came into being to promote the demand for circulation efficiency in industrial product development. Creating virtual capital, through virtual value, meets the monetary capital demand of industrial capitalism development. At the same time, it creates a shortcut to obtaining surplus value through capital financialization. Credit is not physical capital, but it can exist in the form of the surplus-value function of a capital to make money, which accelerates financialization. Credit can be divorced from actual capital and extend the scope of the power of capital. Marx argued, “[...] the capital itself, which a man really owns or is supposed to own in the opinion of the public, becomes a basis for the superstructure of credit purely.” (MARX, 2010c, p. 437). In addition, Marx articulated how capitalists exploit others through the duality of credit (MARX, 2010c, p. 439). Therefore, the credit mechanism serves as crucial institutional support for financialization and contributes to the development of the modern financial system by introducing instability and financial asset speculation. Marx saw that the shift in finance from short-term to long-term historically created a logical environment for the establishment of financial capital.
Shortly after Das Kapital, the financing of the capitalist economy changed fundamentally. The long-term debt of the capitalist enterprises and the stock market appeared and expanded. Marx intended to rewrite the book to incorporate this change (TOPOROWSKI, 2018, p. 2). Even though his ideas failed to come true, Das Kapital shed light on Rudolf Hilferding (1981, p. 225) (1877-1941), who claimed that bank capital, controlling industrial capital, is called financial capital. It also inspired Vladimir Lenin (1993, p. 99) (1870-1924) to criticize financial capital profoundly in terms of monopoly and parasitism. In the logical framework system of Das Kapital, Marx demonstrated the change of value form in detail. This argument implies the transformation of people's pursuit of value-form, from use value to exchange value, from value production to value distribution. Financial capital has played a significant role in value distribution. In addition, a logical ladder has been built for financial capital and financialization in the process of Marx's argument that is from abstract to concrete, from commodity to currency, from currency to capital, and from capital in general to interest-bearing capital.
“Marx once discussed the possibility of symbol implementing functions of money in Das Kapital, which is a prerequisite for the emergence of financial capital.” (WANG, 2013, p. 85). Marx pointed out that with the development of the whole monetary system and the appearance of various securities such as paper money, treasury bonds, and stocks. “[...] again capital lost a great part of the natural character which had still clung to it.” (MARX, 2010b, p. 72). Thus, the capital goes on the path of financialization.
Financialization, a new form of the relationship between contemporary capitalist capital and labor exploitation, has profound internal reasons. It results from changes in relations of production and class relations, caused by the negative side of the capital. The contradiction of capital appreciation manifests itself in the limitation of financing cost, time limit, place and agency in the industrial capitalism period. The monetary and financial model, with low risk and stable return, has been incompatible with the development of innovative industries with high speed, risk and return, and the massive demand for financial support. Therefore, the low-risk stable-return monetary finance model has become incompatible with the growth of a high-rate, high-risk, high-return innovative industry, which has a huge demand for financial support.
Thus, we can divide financial development into three stages. Finance is the money that acts as an intermediary in the commodity exchange. Then monetary finance is represented by bank lending operations and the indirect financing model. The third is capital finance, represented by equity operation business of the investment banks and the indirect financing model.
As a result, the capitalist mode of production changes the relationship among people into the relationship among things, and the relationship between money and itself, becoming exploitation in exchange value. It exerts greater control over surplus value through virtual capital. Financialization is a process that begins with the creation of virtual capital. The conversion of credit, bonds and equity into capital is an example of the domination of surplus value. Neoliberalism prioritizes the shareholders’ interests by paying firm executives and owners of essential technologies far more than average workers. The most severe financial exploitation frequently takes place through indirect relationships between employers and employees.
The financial capital, on the other hand, is sucking up the entire social production and consumption system and is to blame for both the generalized poverty of society and the vast increase of financial oligarchs. It is strange that this fact is rarely known. Marx, through his analysis of the duality of commodities, criticized the confusion of value with the use of value for obscuring the true source of surplus value. By hiding the form of value through the fetishism of the commodity, the fetishism of money, and the fetishism of capital, Marx revealed the secret of value formation. In order to reveal the secrets of contemporary surplus value and to understand the phenomenon of fetishism and its nature in contemporary financialization, Marx's method of formal analysis of value remains indispensable.
Consequently, financial capital accumulation will lead to insufficient investment in real industries, the bifurcation of social wealth distribution and full-time capital exploitation. Influenced by neo-liberal ideology, financialization is characterized by the globalization of capital export and surplus value competition. It has also led to the deindustrialization and economic virtualization of developed capitalist countries such as the United States, thus breeding severe crises in the economic, political, financial and cultural fields. This is also one of the reasons why the collective actions of climate change fail to make on a global scale.
2 DEVELOPMENT of china IN THE CONTEXT OF FINANCIALIZATION AND THE CONNOTATION OF COMMON PROSPERITY OF THE COUNTRY
With its deepening opening up and reform over the past decades, China has scaled tremendous progress in its financial system. The country is influenced by the financialization of assets and the expansion of debt. With the deepening trend of financialization, the connotation of common prosperity has changed significantly. As a tool for our good, finance is not our end, which requires that we must revisit the relationship between finance and human beings. Therefore, in the context of financialization, we must focus more on how to balance income from capital and labor. By doing so, we can steadily accumulate overall wealth and alleviate the considerable disparity of individual wealth. Ultimately, we will break through the critical link of finance as the human free will of Dasein to realize human beings' free and comprehensive development based on common prosperity.
2.1 Financializaton of China
The trend of financialization on the Chinese mainland has been evident since 2000, particularly after the financial crisis eight years later (ZHAO; TIAN, 2015, p. 120). It shows that the degree of monetization of the economy of China is deepening. The broad money M2 increased from 115.9 billion yuan in 1978 to 238 trillion yuan in 2021, an increase of 2053 times. M2/GDP increased from 0.32 in 1978 to 2.16 in 2020. According to statistics released by the People's Bank of China and the National Bureau of Statistics, we have observed that the currency multiplier of the People's Bank of China has increased significantly, and the slope of the currency multiplier curve has become steeper since 2020.
On top of that, the financialization of China is also reflected in the debt growth. The economic development of the country and residents' consumption have become increasingly dependent on debt, making local government debt, corporate debt and residents' housing loans increasingly crucial. Since the global financial crisis in 2008, the growth rate of the total debt of China has grown at an unprecedented rate, rising from 172% of GDP to 300% in 2019, especially among residents and non-bank enterprises. Moreover, the proportion of financial industry in the national economy and the share of financial assets in the wealthy Chinese are increasing. The increasing financialization of the Chinese economy is evidenced by the growing pan-financial sector and the expanding involvement of non-financial companies in the investment and financing business. Chen and Guo (2016, p. 94) contend “After the financial crisis, the proportion of financial industry in GDP has increased significantly”.
According to the statistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a state-owned talent pool, the wealth of Chinese residents recorded 549 trillion yuan by the end of 2020, of which the proportion of financial assets was 57%, and the compound annual growth rate of residents' wealth was 12.38%. The asset management business will have enormous potential for development. (SU, 2017, p. 71).
Chinese households still have a high percentage of physical assets in their asset structure, leaving more room for financial asset allocation. A very high percentage of Chinese households' physical assets are made up of real estate, which is a byproduct of spatial financialization. In this way, it is possible to say that financialization has entangled the fundamental pillars of Chinese society. The impact of finance on wealth distribution has a long-lasting and subtle impact on how people are distributed in society. Two extreme distribution tendencies are displayed by this overarching structural effect in capitalist society. Although financialization is not an end, it has undoubtedly become the most robust means to feed the economy.
Therefore, we must re-examine the connotation of common prosperity in the context of financialization and be wary that the purpose of common prosperity is trapped by financialization. In this sense, it is significant to re-examine the generation mode of common prosperity under the background of financialization to obtain its present realistic connotation. We should be alert to the shift in generating common prosperity in the context of financialization from the pursuit of equalizing individual wealth to the equalization of the overall and structural distribution of wealth. Since the 1970s, coupled with the development of neoliberalism, globalization and the Internet, the western capitalist economy has been fully financialized. In a broad sense, human society has entered the era of financialization, which profoundly affects the way of wealth accumulation and profit distribution.
Therefore, common prosperity must be placed under the background of financialization to make a theoretical reflection on this perspective. Solidified financialization has become a systemic trend, exacerbating labor income. Income inequality affects social relations among actors (LIN; DEVEY, 2013, p. 1291). By restructuring social relations, ordinary workers' and vulnerable groups' voices are weakened, thus affecting their income and bargaining power. In addition, finance has become the primary source of profits. Krippner (2015, p. 174) contends that financialization is an accumulation mode in which profits are made through financial means. That means financialization can distribute the wealth of the whole society.
2.2 New Connotation of Common Prosperity
Common prosperity is s the endeavor of China to finance, and financial instruments are people's means rather than ends. As Georg Simmel (2011, p. 353) (1858-1918) pointed out, “[...] money builds a bridge between such people and objects. In crossing this bridge, the mind experiences the attraction of their possession even if it does in fact not attain it.” Influenced by western capitalism and the planned economy system, the capital and the finance of China were once regarded as a beast, servicing as a tool to transfer social surplus value. Fortunately, the connotation of finance and capital has changed ever since the reform and opening up in the country governed by the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, which has become an essential factor in boosting economic and social development. Presently, the connotation of common prosperity in financialization is concentrated on the relationship between finance and human being.
Finance coordinates the relationship between people and nature and economic growth and people. The state regulates and controls the financial system, making it the trustee of the wealth of the whole society. The key to common prosperity under the background of financialization lies in ensuring the balanced development of property income and labor income. David M. Kotz (2003, p. 264), a renowned American Marxist economist, believes that under the current liberal institutional structure, “[...] capital is on the offensive in its relation with labor.” Driven by financialization, capital and property income increased significantly, while labor income growth was relatively slow. The trend of financialization is represented in the monetization degree of the economy of China, the scale of debt, the proportion of financial industry in the national economy and the proportion of financial assets in resident wealth. Under global financialization, common prosperity mainly regulates the balanced development of property and labor income. It includes the balance of income among property owners, the balance of income among workers and the balance of property income and labor income. The latter is the most important balance and plays a key role in the implementation of common prosperity.
3 REAL CHALLENGES OF FINANCIALIZATION TO COMMON PROSPERITY
Finance is the system of financial capital movement, and financialization is driven by financial capital as the process and result of financial capital movement. Therefore, we should analyze the common prosperity under the background of financialization from the angle of the relationship between finance, financial capital, tangible assets and financial symbols. The essence of financialization lies in the change of value form. From the diachronic observation of financialization, we know that individual pursuit of value forms has transformed. Individuals have been driven from chasing use value to surplus value because of the extensive use of money. And for another, they have been pushed from pursuing value production to its distribution. As modern financial development enters the era of capital finance, finance encourages people to transfer their search of value from the historical dimension to the future. Because financial capital now more firmly controls value and the financial narrative has become a crucial component of value creation, measuring value has become considerably more difficult during this time. In this process, individuals are often in a weak position during the battle between labor and capital, making people lose their subjectivity daily and become one-dimensional people. As a result, the gap between individual efforts and capacities is narrowing at the economic level, causing shared poverty instead of common prosperity, which is more evident for the vulnerable groups in a warming era. By comparison, a tiny number of financial capital owners have accumulated wealth at an ever-increasing rate, ensuring monetary affluence for their descendants. Financialization-induced polarization is the most prominent challenge to common prosperity at present.
3.1 Decisions on Value Generation Manipulated by Finical Capital
The manipulation of value generation in the context of financialization indicates that financial capital controls the production and distribution of wealth. Under this background, financial capital holders finally mastered the wealth password. They realized wealth accumulation by preventing commodity value and price generation and constantly rendering the narrative. By doing so, they finally hold the key to wealth and accumulate their wealth.
At the outset, financial capital holders obtain the primary conditions for participating in profit distribution by manipulating production and consumption. From the production side, financial capital has dramatically improved its value-added capacity through investment funds focusing on industries. With its colossal capital volume advantage, it realizes the transformation of “quantitative change equals qualitative change.” It manipulates the company by controlling the excellent enterprise managers. Financial capital controls the most sophisticated part of the industry by paying wages to only a few people, thus realizing its excess profits. From the consumption side, ordinary folks cannot afford to buy goods beyond their existing wealth if there is no financial leverage in the consumption field. However, the current housing industry, large-scale machinery manufacturing industry and daily consumption and services can get financial support to realize “advance consumption.” This phenomenon of “dead labor” over “living labor” expands the “time domain” in which finance dominates people. In the end, financial capital can distribute the wealth of the whole society. Individuals must pay interest on financial capital as long as they produce and consume what they want. To put it another way, as long as humans exist, they must defend themselves in the court of financial capital; otherwise, they will risk being entitled to no existence.
Moreover, commodity manipulators show a weak correlation with their real value as a way of realizing their wealth transfer. On the one hand, financial capital manipulates the whole commodity price system by controlling the price of vital strategic energy such as oil. In the article entitled Index Investment and the Financialization of Commodities, Tang and Xiong (2012, p. 72) write, “[...] the rapid growth of index investment in commodity market prices of non-energy commodities have become increasingly correlated with oil prices.” Moreover, it is a departure from the market price of its goods. There is even a bizarre phenomenon of goods with a negative price. The absolute dominance of financial capital over value and price is reflected in this reversal of the labor theory of value, supply and demand, the efficient market hypothesis and even the idea of symbolic value.
On the other hand, commodity prices are not only affected by supply and demand but also by commodity index investment and valuation futures. As a result of financialization, the price of a single commodity is no longer determined merely by its supply and demand. Instead, prices are influenced by investors' overall risk appetite, investment behavior in diversified commodity indexes and specific socio-psychological structures. Finally, value and wealth are transferred through trade exchanges that conceal the underlying value of assets by creating fake consumption illusions and symbols of status, position and class.
Furthermore, the financial narrative has emerged as a vital tool for value empowerment, highlighting the power of financial alchemy. Financial markets and rating agencies evaluate bond certificates, which are not even based on assets. The exponential growth of the financial derivatives and market transactions have brought the most profound impact. Financial transactions are out of touch with commodity transactions in the physical market, and the prices of physical assets are seriously distorted. In so doing, the function of finance across time enables the financial narrative to gain room for development. Finance has become a precise instrument for changing the value from time to time, shifting our value system from history to the future. “[...] the power of finance to effect such important transitions in world history is that it moves economic value forward and backward through time.” (GOETZMANN, 2017, p. 2). The collective empathy generated through talks, discussions and stories has become a meaningful way to predict future value. In this way, instrumental rationality still wields its great discursive power on the people in the era of financialization. It focuses on the hypothesis demonstration of mathematical model and probability analysis to explain the future price of assets and often has the discursive power of turning stone into gold. Subprime loans prominently evidence this in the United States, guaranteed by various country financial institutions, eventually leading to disaster.
3.2 Reinforcement of Utility Logic by Value-Added Logic
The logic of financialization shows up in a strengthening of the value-added logic, where value addition replaces original usefulness as the only source of utility for goods. It is manifested in the financialization of space, which weakens residential property and strengthens value-added financial property, represented by the right of residence and ownership. This logic dictates that space is a production of power.
The value of labor is further diminished by capital, and labor income is significantly divided as a result of value-added utility. Finance strengthens the concept of utility value and provides support for property income. The combination of finance and the idea of utility value puts more emphasis on purpose and result “Value is determined by utility instead of labor cost, which is extremely important for understanding the logic of finance.” (CHEN, 2018, p. 6). Financial logic reinforces the mechanism of effects in supply and demand, obscuring labor as the natural source of value. The utility of accumulated capital lies in the use-value of its value-added function, which is empowered by finance to exercise the dominant power. The utility mechanism under financialization materializes and objectifies labor, thus depriving human beings of their subjectivity and making them dominated by things. To be specific, property income is higher than labor income. Ironically, human beings create all property and value through labor, but their creations surpass it. In this angle, property income exceeds wage income and becomes the main growth power of wealth. The value-added logic has developed to the extreme, blending with the logic of utility. The logic of utility has lost its original physical function of having a material carrier, and value-added has become the only usefulness of exclusive utility of the assets.
The financialization of space, housing ownership and residence right have become a meaningful way to increase property income. The trend of finance and neo-liberalism is the main impetus for spatial financialization. As Raquel Rolnik (2013, p. 1064) states, housing policy, including housing ownership, private property and binding financial obligations, has been the center of the political and ideological strategies to maintain the dominant position of neo-liberalism. Guided by neo-liberalism, some capitalist countries abolished their housing benefit system by privatizing home ownership, financing owner-occupied rental housing and building new urban landmarks, through which their ideological purposes are accomplished. Under the trend of finance, the residential property of the real estate is weakened while its financial property is enhanced, becoming an investment commodity. The commercialization of housing, coupled with the increasing use of housing as an investment asset in the global financial market, has a far-reaching impact on residents' basic right of residence. With the slowdown of economic and income growth, spatial financialization has become the main factor in wealth increase. This is reflected in the fact that property income is higher than labor income, that human labor creates all property and value but is instead surpassed by their creations, and that property income surpasses wage income as the main driver of wealth growth. Those who genuinely need living space cannot afford to buy houses due to the spatial financialization of housing occupancy and ownership. Once spatial assets lose their ability to increase in value, owners of special assets as investment products would see their assets shrink significantly or even trigger a financial crisis. On the contrary, the proportion of labor income has decreased, and the income gap among workers in different industries and countries has widened.
We take the United States, a country with a high level of financialization, as an example. American proportion of labor in its national income is declining. Finance has aggravated the income inequality in the United States, and the share of the labor force in national income has decreased. Human beings as a subject are subordinated to the domination of capital, which makes the logic of value-adding scales their values. People fail to add value by conflicting with things, becoming the object of things. At the same time, the income gap among workers has increased. Over the last 50 years, we have seen substantial income growth for high earners. With the increase in the salary share of management elites, technical elites and officials, the ordinary workers’ income grows slowly, and their income gap widens. This rising income disparity gives the erroneous impression that individual differences in aptitude are the root of wealth and income inequality, which is highly deceptive.
The disparity in labor income between nations is also apparent. On the one hand, rich nations contract out the design, sales and core technology of their low-end, environmentally harmful, and energy-intensive linkages to poor nations. While developing countries can only receive a small portion of earnings, this results in a significant disparity in the wages of workers of those countries. It has never been an easy task for those less-developed nations to become carbon neutral. On the other hand, financialization makes the privileged take advantage of their positions and expertise to bring vulnerable people in countries and regions to an even worse situation. In this context, we will observe that the ordinary workers’ living conditions, people who lost their jobs in these developed countries, are often worse than those of low-income workers in developing countries. What is worse, the logic of utility has led to the alienation of finance, making inclusive finance and green finance that aim to advance the common good to travel oppositely. At the individual level, inclusive finance has evolved into illegal fundraising in the form of micro-loans and school loans, posing more threats to vulnerable individuals. On a global scale, green finance, in the name of climate justice, has become a playfield where financial capital plays games with low-income countries. Green finance has contributed to significant environmental improvements in financially developed countries but may make the ecological environment in the less developed countries and regions even more vulnerable.
3.3 Risk, Inflation and the Impact of Price Revaluation
The overall social risk in financialization is highly relevant to the financial system and financial elements. Financial society needs continuous money supply through inflation to mitigate the debt crisis. Therefore, assets risk price resets in a context of high uncertainty in financial markets. These trends and patterns will increase the uncertainty in wealth formation and poverty.
In the first place, the debt scale has expanded, the overall social risk has increased and the potential impact on low-income groups has risen. Debt has become a meaningful way to drive investment and promote the development of society. It is an essential driver of rapid growth in modern societies. Under the financial background, relying on debt management has become the primary way. “This means that not only is debt and credit money the oxygen of financialization, but the growth in financial trading also leads to a financialization of money itself.” (BJERG, 2014, p. 195). The generalization of debt operations has accelerated the full temporalization of debt and the subjectification of debt. And the subjectification of debt, which takes precedence over genuine assets, is based on people's desires, beliefs and even illusions. Financialization, in the end, manipulates the dynamics of production in the form of debt. “But it is debt that allows anything new to be produced. Debt is the motor; markets, bargaining, and government action are the steer.” (DOUGLAS, 2016, p. 104).
The index trading and leverage trading, that come along with the growth of the financial market, come with significant concerns from the standpoint of general social risks. On the other hand, a variety of market and administrative bodies frequently function with debt, and this ever-rising debt burden conceals liquidity issues. Financial institutions move towards being too big to fail, and the economic foundations of society are increasingly entangled in financial risk. The financial transaction risk and the operation risk of the financing subject constitute the overall risk elements of the society, putting the whole society at financial risk. On the one hand, overall social risks will inevitably cause workers to face the general unemployment risk and lose their only labor income. On the other hand, it poses severe challenges to the basic social security system, making the low-income people’s livelihood and those without income much more difficult.
Moreover, money is overspent, inflation affects the capital and labor income differently, and the rich get richer. There are two logics of capital appreciation: one is to create value through economic growth to achieve value appreciation,; the other one is to achieve value appreciation through value transfer when economic growth cannot be achieved. The primary means of the latter is often through over-issuing money, which may cause over liquidity in the world. And it is increasingly becoming the main means to increase the value of contemporary financial capital. Recent decades have seen growing financialization characterized by an exponential growth in the scale of financial transactions, the proliferation of financial derivatives and the steady injection of credit money into financial markets. When massive amounts of money are issued after the economic downturn to bail out the financial markets, the real economy is diluted to save the financial market, making the economy enter a false boom.
As a result, excessive currency is the direct factor of inflation expressed by currency depreciation. The consequences of currency devaluation have witnessed reduced purchasing power of ordinary people who mainly depend on labor to earn their income. Their wealth shrinks. Another new trend is that the middle class will face greater challenges. On the one hand, the middle class relies mainly on their expertise in the service of financial monopoly capital, which is dependent on. On the other hand, financial monopoly capital has not always relied on technology to operate, with the advent of the age of intelligence. Transactions of traditional legal, medical, accounting and even financial services are increasingly being replaced by artificial intelligence. In such cases, the middle class may be more anxious about wealth accumulation than the lower income earners. By contrast, the wealthy class’ income, considering people who rely on property income, is inversely proportional to the devaluation of the currency. Thus, they can afford to hedge the decline in actual purchasing power caused by the depreciation of the currency. Therefore, the gap between the rich and the poor is further widened under the long-term inflation trend caused by excessive currency.
Besides, asset prices face differentiation and revaluation, and the income difference between various asset owners is more prominent. Under the long-term trend of financialization, the hot spots in the market are changing rapidly, and asset prices are constantly facing revaluation and differentiation. On the one hand, high-quality assets have become the object of competition to ensure the preservation and appreciation of property. The scarcity of assets, famous brands, franchise rights, monopolistic technology and innovative products have been widely favored. These assets are either the result of a hot market trend or are shaped into irreplaceable symbols and, therefore, have a premium that far exceeds the cost of their production while gaining a constant increase in value.
However, the assets with traditional industries, backward production capacity and surplus resources fail to give full play to their advantages, which depreciates sharply in converting new and old kinetic energy. This results in substantial income disparities even if the same property-based income is predominant because the underlying asset changes in value. On the other hand, the difference in asset price evaluation is not the result of the competition of the market, but it adapts to the ideology of big asset owners, whose will and interests are primarily responsible for the price direction of the assets. For instance, they sponsor experts and scholars to attack climate actions to increase their presence. The relevant assessment agencies give high valuations in the new energy and carbon-neutral markets. The originators of these overvaluations are not climate protectionists but large financial investment institutions involved in the sector. Once this ideology is realized in the market, it will reshape the world in which we live. Because fetishism is the most extreme form of dogma and the pinnacle of the dominance of things over people, it is the finest means to advance an ideology. Massive commercial advertising tells a fetishistic story about products to sell products. As a financialized fetish story, the IPO competition appears to have the financial alchemy of turning stone into gold. In the end, the rich will concentrate their quality assets in smaller groupings, increasing the gap between the rich and the poor.
4 CHALLENGES OF FINANCIALISATION AT THE IDEOLOGICAL LEVEL TO THE COMMON PROSPERITY
The most significant impact of financialization in the ideological sphere is the development of the process of financial capital domination into an extreme form of existence—financialized fetishism. That is the formation of financialized fetishism, which shapes the value distribution system. As an extreme form of ideology, financialized fetishism obscures the trustworthy source of value of its structure, adopting narrative value instead of labor value. The division between narrative and labor value creates a dichotomy in the value distribution system. This dichotomy is invisible under financialized fetishism and poses a real challenge to the common prosperity in the ideological sphere.
4.1 Logical Presupposition of Narrative Value
Since narrative economics, coined by Robert Shiller in the economic field, the Nobel Prize winner in his representative work Narrative Economics, the concept has gained momentum. However, in the context of financialization, narrative not only affects the amount of value, but also almost creates value. Narrative affects the overall trend of the economy from a macro perspective and even results the rise and fall of stocks from a micro perspective. Although Shiller did not explicitly propose the concept of narrative value, the arguments and viewpoints throughout the book can draw the conclusion that narrative changes value and even creates value. He seeks to demonstrate that once you understand the key narrative of the times, you can judge whether a business model is creating value. Two British scholars put forward a narrative perspective to analyze project value by studying engineering projects. “It is contended that value is a social construct and that the processes of social construction are rooted in language. On this basis, we argue that value creation is a process which lends itself to interpretation from a narrative perspective.” (GREEN; SERGEEVA, 2019, p. 636). Huiyuhl Yi (2020, p. 281) argues that episodic value “[...] describes value connected to a particular object or individual expressed and delivered through a narrative”. He also points out that narrative can endow goods with special value, such as auction goods or museum collections. The plot here refers to the plot of the story, which is very close to the narrative. Thus, it leads to the first state and feature of the mysterious form of value expression – narrative value.
The generation of narrative value is inseparable from narrative. The Oxford English Dictionary interprets narrative as “[...] an account or narration; a history, tale, story, recital (of facts).” (MURRAY, 1989, p. 220). Discourse, the relevance of events and available symbolic expression become important components of narrative. Some scholars pointed out that “[...] narrative refers to the symbolic representation of a series of events that are related in time and cause and effect.” (CHENG, 2002, p. 10). If Lyotard reconstructs modernity by means of linguistic particle pragmatics and small narrative, then economic and financial narrative is a reinterpretation of the grand narrative. In the context of financialization, the impact of the narrative on the economy has increased significantly. There are mainly four manifestations.
First, the importance of discourse is becoming increasingly prominent. We can understand financialization as an ideological process. It uses discourse, metaphor and procedural resources from the financial world to explain and reproduce daily life and the overall process of capitalism in which we live (HAIVEN, 2014, p. 13-14). It is self-evident that language and discourse narrative have an impact on the valuation of various commodities in contemporary daily life.
Secondly, the continuous improvement of information technology communication has also increased the influence of narrative. The narrative capacity in contemporary communication has substantially risen with the development of the “Internet plus everything” model, particularly with the help of network opinion communication. The rapid expansion of contemporary commercial advertising has a significant impact on consumers' perceptions and on the appreciation for the worth of items.
The third involves the establishment and illumination of symbolic value. Through diversified symbols that represent various identities, degrees of money and social rank, Baudrillard links symbols and values to produce various values. However, symbols and values are not directly one-to-one correspondences. The value connotation of symbols is generated through countless narratives. Therefore, there is a crucial link missing between symbol and value-narrative, which is the direct cause of value formation.
The fourth is changes in valuation focus, methods and accounting standards. In the era of financialization, the rating narrative of financial institutions is extensive and in-depth, affecting the valuation of financial assets all the time. The narrative of a corporate brand has proved to be of great value, and the recognition of this value has been embraced by modern financial institutional principles. The costs arising from premium acquisitions are included in the goodwill account of intangible assets in the balance sheet. Thus, narrative value has shifted from a perceptual and vague existence to a measurable and actual monetary existence.
4.2 Formation of Financialization Fetishism
To grasp the concept of financialization fetishism, we can learn from the commodity fetishism, currency fetishism, capital fetishism, Marx’s interest-bearing capital fetishism and Baudrillard’s symbolic fetishism. Marx distinguished the duality of commodities–use value and exchange value, thus revealing people's misconception of the natural and social attributes of commodities and pointing out the mysterious nature of commodities that can be felt but beyond feeling. He reveals the secrets of capitalist exploitation through the concept of surplus value. Baudrillard also expanded the research on the mystery of value forms and proposed the concept of symbolic value. The symbolic value transcends the use value and obtains its special class, status and identity differences, thus realizing the value attribute through the differences. The symbolic value conceals the natural source of value and endows the symbol with value, thus realizing the humans’ manipulation and forming symbolic fetishism.
The new mysterious form of value expressions in the era of financialization has led to the emergence of financialization fetishism. And the new form of value mystery is narrative value. The value of financial assets is increasingly dependent on the prediction of the future, from the historical dimension of value to the future dimension, which provides development space for narrative value to become the dominant form. In this dimension, value has become conceptualized and a new form of fetishism, financial fetishism, has emerged. The development of financialization fetishism is based on the story and narrative of the value of things. The narrative value has become an expression of the value of financialization fetishism. In the repeated rendering of financial narrative, the value of financial assets is far from that of the real assets represented by them. The use value attribute of commodities is weakened, and their prices are increasingly affected by the correlation of commodity price indexes. Through financial narrative, such as IPO and rating agency rating, people discount the material that can be narrated, expected and told, and give value to the material that do not exist. Narrative value is the dominant form of value in the financialization era, which subjectivizes, emotes and disintermediates the value. The dualization of value distribution system often obscures the mysterious attribute of financial assets with strong value-added capacity.
But its biggest mystery lies in the form of value and the way of value generation. The mysterious value form of financial fetishism is not to exploit directly workers, but to endow directly material with value. The value system of financializations fetishism is established on the basis of narrative, while the workers' system of value distribution is based on labor. Financialization fetishism dualizes the value system, part of which is the representatives of social productive forces, who create great material wealth but do not get corresponding value returns. However, this great increase in productivity is the real material basis of narrative value. Commodity, currency, capital, interest-bearing capital and symbols have all mystified the form of value, which leads to the transformation of the form of fetishism. Therefore, the mystification of narrative value as a new form of value will also lead to forming financialization fetishism.
4.3 IMPACTS OF FINANCIALIZATION FETISHISM ON THE COMMON PROSPERITY
By altering the process by which value is created, financialization fetishism modifies the way value is distributed. The value systems of labor-based distribution and narrative-based distribution are thus two modalities of binary opposition that are formed by the value distribution system. Few people live in a distribution system that is dominated by financial story value, while the majority of people live in a distribution system that is labor-based. The split in the value system manifests itself in a split in the distribution system, between those that rely on labor and those mainly rest on property and asset.
The separation of the value system can be further understood from Marx's division of exploitation levels. Marx (2010 b, p. 604) pointed out that:
[...] the working class is also swindled in this form, and to an enormous extent, is self-evident; but this is also done by the retail dealer, who sells means of subsistence to the worker. This is secondary exploitation, which runs parallel to the primary exploitation taking place in the production process itself.
Here Marx called the exploitation of surplus value in the production process, the first level of exploitation, and the exploitation in the trade transaction in the circulation process, the second level of exploitation. Li (2019, p. 149) further compared the financialization of daily life to Marx's second-level exploitation. In this regard, the level of exploitation can be further refined. The exploitation of surplus value in industrial production can be defined as the first level of exploitation. The exploitation caused by trade intermediaries in the circulation field is called the second level of exploitation in the transaction link. On this basis, the third-level exploitation can be further developed as the exploitation mode of financialization. The third level of exploitation is characterized by not creating a mode of production, but by exploiting the existing mode of production and even the mode of circulation. It reexploits these two levels of exploitation externally and generally. In the first and second levels of exploitation, labor-based distribution is dominant, which can be classified as one of the value system stratifications. The third level of exploitation is dominated by the financial narrative mode, and the pure exploitation mode belongs to another value distribution system.
There seems to be a middle layer between the corresponding workers and the owners of large assets, which is roughly similar to the middle class. This class mainly obtains higher wages than ordinary workers through their professional skills. On the other hand, they do not go beyond a labor-based system of value distribution but are part of it. The reason why they get higher wages is that they can help the big asset owners to increase their value. But the middle class often has an illusion that they can achieve their development beyond the hierarchy by relying on their scientific research and professional skills. What needs to be clear is that modern science and technology are all based on the will of financial capital. The direction of financialization must be the direction of value capture, even if there are differences in the time of value return. The middle class is the most affected by various crises. The will of financial capital seems to eliminate deliberately the middle class, which mediates the movement of the two classes, rich and poor, and thus keeps the gap between the two classes.
As a result, without direct involvement in the creation of narrative value and personal experience with exploitation, people cannot conceptually comprehend the presence of the two value distribution systems. As a result, financialization fetishism substantially undermines the narrative value. People consequently fail to comprehend the presence of narrative value and the nature of wealth distribution. This ideology presents a significant hurdle to shared prosperity, the reign of financialization fetishism, which is difficult to identify in the ideological sphere. People who want to alter the reality of unequal distribution must first identify the root reason of the inequality, which financialization fetishism has hidden.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Finance has played an irreplaceable role in promoting economic and social wellbeing, and the overall wealth of society has achieved tremendous growth in the process of financialization. Both of which reflect the active role of finance. However, driven by the logic of capital appreciation and the ideology of the fetishization phase of financialization, the increase in the overall wealth of the whole society does not ensure common prosperity. And to address this issue, it is necessary to recognise how financial capital in the age of financialization controls the lifeblood of the economy and thus dominates the distribution of value. In addition, to reveal the fetishistic nature of financialization and its obscuring of the nature of value distribution, we should specifically look at how narrative value obscures and erodes labor value.
Clarification of these two aspects is essential for the advancement of common prosperity in the context of financialization. It helps us to better understand what common prosperity in the context of financialization entails and its real challenges to achieve the goal. In the context of financialization, we must ensure the balance of asset income and labor income, deciphering the distortion of human values by financialization fetishism. The structure of wealth distribution in a financialized society leads to the bifurcation of the rich and the poor, represented by the domination of things over people in social relations.
It is necessary to think holistically, and this article seeks to suggest from the individual to the national level, from the economic to the political one, to think about common prosperity. The common prosperity must be understood not only as economic equality but also as equality of political rights. The goal of common prosperity can only be achieved through political expression at the state level, as Robert J. Shiller (2012, p. 231) believes that “[...] finance is all about stewardship of society's assets”. Another example of how common prosperity, in the context of financialization, must rely on state macro-regulation is the approach of China to climate change. China takes even green mountains and enchanting water as a fortune and a hospitable climate as common prosperity for society. Against climate change, China has committed to the top leadership in carbon-reducing efforts. Climate actions need financial help and collective actions. The Marxist critique of political economy examines real problems in the unity of history and logic. Financialization arose in history, embedded in the structure of human economic and social development, driving the overall progress of human society. However, the conflict between the reality of financialization, the concept of common prosperity in terms of intrinsic logic and the methodology of its decipherment are still critical theoretical issues that need to be studied in depth.
COMO DEVEMOS PENSAR SOBRE A PROSPERIDADE COMUM E SEUS DESAFIOS NO CONTEXTO DA CAPITALIZAÇÃO?
Resumo: A China promove ativamente a prosperidade comum e resolve a contradição do desequilíbrio do desenvolvimento. A capitalização tornou-se o pano de fundo da prosperidade comum. Como entender as mudanças na conotação da prosperidade comum e seus fatores de influência, no contexto da capitalização, tornou-se o tema deste artigo. Acredita-se que o desequilíbrio entre ativos e renda do trabalho e a nova forma de geração de valor são as razões pelas quais a prosperidade comum é difícil de alcançar. A fim de provar a racionalidade dessa conclusão, este artigo examina a questão da capitalização a partir da perspectiva crítica da economia política marxista e toma o caso de capitalização da China como um exemplo para explorar os desafios práticos e os desafios ideológicos enfrentados pela prosperidade comum. Este texto analisa uma nova forma de fetichismo - a essência do fetichismo financeiro introduz o conceito de valor narrativo e revela a distorção e a erosão do valor do fetichismo financeiro sobre os valores das pessoas e o mistério do valor narrativo.
Palavras-chave: Prosperidade comum. Fetichismo financeiro. Valor narrativo. Desafio financeiro.
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Received: 27/7/2022
Approved: 27/9/2022
COMMENT ON “HOW SHOULD WE THINK ABOUT COMMON PROSPERITY AND CHALLENGES IN THE CONTEXT OF FINANCIALIZATION?”
Commented Article: CUI, Zhanmin; LIAO, Zhihua; LUO, Yuxiao. How should we think about common prosperity and challenges in the context of financialization? Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 291- 318, 2023.
This article examines financialization from the critical perspective of Marxist political economy, citing the case of financialization in China and discussing the real and ideological challenges to common prosperity. Cui, Liao and Luo (2023) analyze the essence of a new form of fetishism – financial fetishism. It introduces the concept of narrative value, thus exposing the distortion of financial fetishism on people’s value ideology and the cover and erosion of labor value by the mystification of narrative value (Title “HOW SHOULD WE THINK ABOUT COMMON PROSPERITY AND ITS CHALLENGES IN THE CONTEXT OF FINANCIALIZATION”).
Common prosperity is a concept in economics and should be defined with knowledge of economics. Wealth means having a lot of property and being rich means owning a lot of money, materials, houses, land, etc. Poverty is having little money, materials, houses, land, etc. “Common prosperity” means that the people’s masses will eventually achieve prosperity, but it is by no means “[…] simultaneous prosperity, simultaneous prosperity, or equal prosperity.” (CHEN; LIU, 2006, p. 42). It is necessary to allow some people and some regions to become rich first and help those who get rich first to get rich later to gradually realize common prosperity.
Common prosperity essentially includes two aspects: productivity and production relations. On the one hand, common prosperity refers to the fact that the development of productive forces can create material wealth that enables all members of society to get rid of poverty, to distribute social wealth according to work or according to needs. Based on this, “common prosperity” is defined as, on the basis of public ownership of means of production, in order to eliminate effectively all systems of exploitation and polarization, especially the system of private property ownership in a capitalist society. It continuously liberates and develops productive social forces. Ultimately, it realizes the free and comprehensive development of all members of society and the goal of sharing the fruits of development with all human beings (CHENG; LIU, 2012, p. 41).
In reaction to the global economic crisis of the 1930s, major capitalist nations implemented financially and capital controls to restrict the scope of financial capital operations. Under the influence of the ideological movement of the socialism, limitations on financial capital have been steadily eased, and monetary funds have gradually separated from industrial capital. Consequently, economic capitalists and financial institutions have continued to implement financial innovations, developed numerous derivative products and absorbed extra money, resulting in the rapid growth of financialization. The prosperity and expansion of the securities market and the innovation of financial derivatives reflect that various financial assets have more abundant forms of movement under the leadership of the financialized value form G–F–G’. The financialization of the economy in Western capitalist society has made financial groups with a lot of money. Still, it has done more harm than good to industrial capital and has become increasingly harmful, turning the United States, Britain and other Western countries into “casino capitalism.” Financialized financial capital has had a major impact on the economies of Western countries, exacerbating economic fragility; political manipulation has also become increasingly serious (FU; GAO, 2022, p. 11). Under neoliberalism, financial groups use policies to influence market asset prices through their government agents. They are trying in vain to realize the fantasy of making money without using the production process as a medium.
The impetus of capitalist financialization is to find an intermediary that governs the various scattered physical elements to realize value proliferation as efficiently as possible. The financialization of capitalism is a process of ebb and flow between the power of the financial capital and the available one. In other words, it is the financial capital process from the initial production of additional functional capital to the basic balance of the two forces until the absolute control and domination of the functional capital. From the perspective of the evolutionary trajectory of capitalism, it is the financialization that rescued capitalism from the plight of stagnant development and allowed it to grow further. Its driving force is the controlling effect of the financial capital on the functional one and the dominating effect of abstract forces on physical links. In the process of capitalist development, when functional capital has exerted its maximum energy and caused the capitalist economy to stop growing at a certain node, the financial capital begins to play a leading role. It promotes economic development by controlling various physical elements – the moment capitalism continues to develop.
The financialization of real estate is an important reason for the wealth gap and family income inequality in China. The initial difference in real estate distribution and the subsequent distribution mechanism lead to large differences in wealth and income among families of different income classes. Under the guidance of real estate prices, some residents regard real estate as an investment product and purchase real estate over demand, resulting in an unbalanced state of market supply. The rising housing prices far exceed the ordinary residents’ affordability, resulting in a situation in which the supply of new housing is in short supply, and a large number of second-hand housing are idle at the same time, resulting in low efficiency in the allocation of social resources and threatening the smooth operation of the national economy. Stimulated by the ever-increasing demand from the residential sector, real estate companies continue to increase leverage for investment and reconstruction to obtain high capital returns. At this time, real estate has become the main gathering place of social capital, which affects the normal movement of capital. This poses the danger of capital return interruption. To quickly return funds, real estate companies take advantage of the wealth effect of real estate appreciation, creating a unique “black hole effect” in the real estate market, resulting in a large number of idle real estate and difficulties in purchasing homes for migrants, which exacerbates wealth inequality. In addition, the some residents’ speculation on real estate has increased the level of financialization of real estate, exacerbated the stratification effect of real estate, widened the gap between the rich and the poor in society, and hindered the achievement of the objective of common prosperity.
Financialization affects the migration of migrants, reduces the regional demographic dividend and hinders the realization of the goal of common prosperity. The immigrant population is an important part of the demographic dividend. The immigrant labor force has greatly contributed to the development of the city and has also profoundly affected the development process of it. Good income and employment conditions are important reasons for attracting migrants to migrate. Immigrants choose the city to move to, based on the employment environment and income conditions of the region. Suppose the degree of financialization in the region is too high. In that case, the immigrant population’s living cost will be greatly increased, which will cause the population’s reverse movement. The disappearance of the demographic dividend will hinder the economic development of the region and widen the income gap between urban and rural areas. Presently, the demographic dividend in various regions of our country is gradually fading, and the labor dependency ratio is increasing yearly. The increase in labor burden is forcing the progress of social technology and the improvement of labor productivity. The rapid rise of technology will further increase the low-skilled laborers’ bargaining power. Coupled with the housing pressure brought about by the high cost of living, low-skilled workers will face a greater risk of unemployment, exacerbate income inequality among residents and hinder the realization of the goal of common prosperity.
The deepening of financialization will inhibit the enthusiasm of enterprises to innovate and hinder the realization of the goal of common prosperity. Financialization has led to high profits in the financial industry, and a large amount of social capital has flowed into financial companies. In contrast, the cost of real companies has risen, and investment funds are insufficient. The source of the gap between the rich and the poor has gradually shifted from differences in labor income to differences in property, exacerbating the inequality in the distribution of social wealth, and forming an imbalance between the increase in profits in the financial industry and the decrease in profits in real companies, causing investors in real companies to invest more capital (GREEN; SERGEEVA, 2019, p. 636).
The reliance on the financial sector has constrained the investment space for technological innovation, hence hindering technological advancement and the nurturing of innovative capabilities. Due to the uncertainty and long-term nature of innovative research and development, investors’ expectation of quick returns also encourages companies to pursue “short-term fast” returns, thereby reducing investment in technological innovation and weakening the long-term competitiveness of the companies. However, in the context of deepening globalization and accelerating scientific and technological progress, innovation capability has become a crucial factor for the sustainable development of enterprises, the primary driving force for the transformation and upgrading of real enterprises, and a crucial means of achieving regional economic growth and shared prosperity.
The increase in the degree of financialization will increase the rate of return on financial investment, thereby attracting enterprises and investors to expand investment in finance and reduce investment in the real economy. This will further accelerate the separation of financial capital from the real economy and promote capital in the financial system. We are carrying out “self-circulation,” exacerbating the trend of industrial structure “shifting from real to virtual,” hindering the healthy development of the real economy. At the same time, due to the large number of funds flowing to the financial industry, real enterprises, especially small and medium-sized ones, face more serious problems of “difficult and expensive financing.”. Based on the above reasons, some investors’ motivation to invest in real estate has continued to increase, which has deepened the idling of funds in the financial system, resulting in a continuous decline in financial efficiency. At the same time, it has also increased the groups’ wealth income that hold more financial assets. The widening gap between rich and poor, among ordinary groups who rely on labor income, hinders the realization of the goal of common prosperity (KAKWANI et al., 2022, p. 28).
In economic financialization, the nature of financial fetishism is a huge invisible driving force, especially its profit-seeking, greedy and fanatical nature, which promotes financial capital to expand, speculate, bubble and globalize. The unrestrained expansion and the expansion of virtual financial capital eventually led to the frequent outbreaks of international financial crises, the continuous economic recession after the crises, the polarization of wealth distribution, the continued high unemployment rate, the sovereign debt crisis, the ordinary people’s heavy debts and other serious consequences. It intensified the basic contradictions of capitalist society. The financialization of the capitalist economy driven by financial fetishism and its negative effects have an important warning effect on the development of the socialist market economy in our country.
Financial fetishism promotes the formation of a virtual financial relationship network above the real economy. It penetrates every corner of capitalist society, dominating the political and economic life of the society. Due to the profit-seeking nature of financial capital, it must continue to develop and expand globally. Its expansion will bring serious consequences to capitalist society when it exceeds a certain limit.
REFERENCES
CHEN, J. M.; LIU, H. X. A Comparison of Mao Zedong’s and Deng Xiaoping’s Ideas of Common Prosperity. Socialism Studies, v. 165, n.1, p. 42-44, 2006.
CHENG, E. F.; LIU, W. A Theoretical and Empirical Interpretation of the Idea of Common Prosperity in Socialism. Studies on Marxism, v. 144, n. 6, p. 41-159, 2012.
CUI, Zhanmin; LIAO, Zhihua; LUO, Yuxiao. How should we think about common prosperity and challenges in the context of financialization? Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 291- 318, 2023.
FU, C. W.; GAO, W. The Basic Connotation and Index System of Common Prosperity in Spiritual Life. Journal of Shandong University (Philosophy and Social Sciences), v. 252, n. 3, p. 11-24, 2022.
GREEN, S. D.; SERGEEVA, N. Value Creation in Projects: Towards A Narrative Perspective. International Journal of Project Management, v. 37, n. 5, p. 636-651, 2019.
KAKWANI, N. et al. Growth and Common Prosperity in China. China & World Economy, v. 30, n. 1, p. 28-57, 2022.
Received: 05/01/2023
Approved: 12/01/2023
Yang Naimei - life practice of a chinese “flapper” of women's development in China
Abstract: As one of the earliest movie stars in China, Yang Naimei's life reflects the process of professionalization and modernization of Chinese women in the early 20th century. This study discusses the life practices and significance of Yang Naimei as a Chinese flapper. Flapper refers to the modern girl who arose in Europe and America in the 1920s as a challenge to traditional lifestyles. Yang Naimei fully embodied the characters of the flapper. She often played an unruly woman on the screen, and she had many relationships in her life, accumulating wealth and a reputation with her acting career. However, society at that time did not provide enough space for the sustainable development of the women’s generation, like Yang Naimei, in economic, political and personal life. After the loss of her youth, she was disposed of by the film industry and suffered from poverty and disease in the latter half of her life. Taking Yang Naimei as an illustration of the times can reflect the twists and turns in the treatment of Chinese women offered by the society.
Keywords: Chinese film. Flapper. Life Practice. Women Development.
INTRODUCTION
The women’s development was an important part of the modernization process of China in the 20th century. It is meaningful work to show the efforts and difficulties women have made and faced in the early process of professionalism and socialization. As a film star, Yang Naimei (杨耐梅) was a representative of professional women in early China. Understanding her life will help us understand the Chinese women’s modernization process.
In Shanghai in the 1920s, the most modern city at that time, a group of women at the forefront of trends of the time appeared. They cut their hair short and wore wester-style skirts showing their legs. They accepted modern education, participated in public life, fell in love freely and sought professional development. Their lifestyle had its origins in “flapper” fashion, popular in the West in the early twentieth century. A group of women celebrities in Shanghai is the clearest embodiment of the Chinese flapper. Yang Naimei, a famous star of the 1920s, had a flapper’s all the characteristics. Naimei was considered “beautiful and romantic” by the film world of the time and was also called a “modern beauty” by later researchers (ZHANG, 2009, p. 93). But let's ignore the labels given by masculine erotic projection and situate Yang Naimei in the flappers’ intellectual tradition instead. By doing this, we can discover that a woman's efforts to achieve social resources, professional success and an independent existence are hidden beneath her “beautiful and romantic” image. Her tragic conclusion also demonstrates how tough it is for women to mature throughout the challenging shift of China from tradition to modernity.
1 “Feibo Girl”: A Modern Girl in 1920s China
Flapper refers to the modern girls of 1920s western society and their challenge to traditional lifestyles. They danced, drank, smoked chic cigarettes, had short hair, wore straight flat-chested tube skirts, showed off their legs and displayed their romantic feelings. They had the right to vote and began to develop professional lives (ZEITZ, 2007, p. 14).
As early as 1914, English newspapers and magazines in Shanghai discussed the flapper, describing her as a naive, lively and curious young girl. In the 1920s, the discussion of this word began to develop a political significance. An author with the pen name of An Zhi interpreted the flapper as “the most powerful among the new women,” saying that the emergence of these women resulted from the passage of the British Gender Equality Act. If we want to find the corresponding Chinese vocabulary, An Zhi (1929, p. 265) thinks that “embroidered room girl” is relatively similar, emphasizing as it does the flapper's professional identity. In the 1930s, some proposed translating flapper as a “modern woman” or even “demon.” The latter clearly indicated a negative attitude towards the flapper’s lifestyle (WEI, 1933, p. 16).
In her book Performing China: Women Stars, Performing Culture, Visual Politics, 1910-1945, Taiwanese scholar Zhou Huiling translates the word flapper as “Feibo girl.” Feibo means “to wink at someone.” Huiling argues that the flapper has become a symbol not only of the first wave of women's liberation in the United States after the European war but also of the peak of “jazz culture” in the film industry and literary scene of the 1920s (ZHOU, 2004, p. 119). She also points out that flappers appeared in popular magazines in Shanghai around 1926 and were imitated by movie actresses. Yang Naimei was the foremost figure of this trend (ZHOU, 2004, p. 118).
Zhang Caihong (2011, p. 60) summarizes Zhou Huiling's description of the flapper and of Yang Naimei's artistic image in her thesis Rebellious Angel: An Artistic Image of Early Chinese Actress Yang Naimei, as well as in her monograph Body Politics: A Study of Chinese Women Film Stars of the Past 100 Years. She writes that Yang Naimei exhibited several flapper characteristics, including fashion, debauchery, decadence and that she dared to challenge tradition. However, “[...] traditional consciousness and the resistance of a male-dominated society made their ability to break through the encirclement in a flash. The only thing left behind are historical facts and regret, and a living legend has been achieved [...].” (ZHANG, 2009, p. 93).
Why is Yang Naimei regarded as the representative of Chinese flappers? What are the similarities between her and the western flappers?
In the 1920s, a number of female celebrities, including Hollywood silent cinema stars Clara Bow (1905-1965) and Mary Louise Brooks (1906-1985), emerged from the flapper craze in the United States. “It”, a 1925 movie in which Bow starred as a brilliant girl attempting to seduce wealthy businessmen, is considered to be Bow's most well-known work. Bow's character is very consistent with her on-screen demeanour. She was a flapper’s epitome, according to F. Scott Fitzgerald, who once described her as being stunning, haughty, incredibly self-assured and exceedingly clever. Lois Brooks Charleston’s image, dancing on screen, is recognised as a classic of the “boomerang” genre. Lois Brooks is most known for playing the seductive woman Lulu in Pandora's Box (1929), and she is best known for this role. However, the flapper´s most representative characters are not Bow and Brooks but Zelda Fitzgerald (1900-1948), a famous American social figure, writer and painter of the twentieth century. Fitzgerald not only practiced a flapper's lifestyle but also explored this identity of social trend. In their respective works, Kelly Boyer Sagert and Joshua Zeit regard Fitzgerald as a symbol of the flapper trend (SAGERT, 2006, p. 102).
Zelda Fitzgerald, the novelist Francis Scott Fitzgerald’s wife, is also the prototype of women characters in The Great Gatsby and Tender Is the Night. Born in an upper-class family, she was famous for her beauty and unruly in middle school, attracting many suitors. One of the most dependable pursuers was Fitzgerald. She was talented in the arts and had a strong drive for success. She spent a lot of time writing and creating art, and because she was too exhausted to practise dancing, she was hurt. Fitzgerald's writings are particularly sensitive and romantic in a female way. She attracted some interest, but Fitzgerald's reputation was not as strong as she had hoped given the continued dominance of male taste in the literary and artistic worlds at the time.
Like many other flappers, Fitzgerald enjoyed luxurious parties, fashionable costumes, romantic love and the material consumption brought on by rapid economic development. In her articles, she repeatedly placed the flapper's lifestyle in the context of urban expansion and the rise of the middle class in the 1920s. But at the same time, she also had an obvious sense of tragedy. For her to be a flapper meant to choose “[…] the right to experiment with herself as a transient, poignant figure who will be dead tomorrow.” (FITZGERALD, 1997, p. 433). Her prophecy came true as her life went forward. She constantly needed to consult doctors starting in 1930 because of her mental disorder. She spent the majority of her final years in hospitals and sanatoriums and passed away at the age of 48 in a hospital fire.
The latter half of Bow's and Brooks's lives are also full of tragedy. Bow married in the 1930s and later separated from her husband, the governor of Nevada, because of her mental illness. He died of a heart attack in the 1960s. Brooks also married and then divorced. In the 1930s, she quit the film industry and went on to work as a dance teacher, radio actor, columnist and salesperson. She was addicted to alcohol and, in her later years, suffered from arthritis and emphysema that she failed to get adequate treatment for (SOMERVILLE, 2012, p. 103).
Fashion and glamour, controversial reputations, ambition for money and achievement, and many romantic relationships are common features of Fitzgerald's, Bow's, and Brooks's lives. By comparing Yang Naimei with these flappers on the other side of the ocean, we will find that she not only borrows the flapper’s style in appearance but also in other respects, such as career development, intimate relationships and even forms of illness and death.
2 Fame, Wealth and Scandal: Yang Naimei's Film Star Career
Yang Naimei (1904-1960) was born into a wealthy family in Guangdong Province. She studied at the Wuben, Aiguo and Qiming schools in Shanghai. She had been passionate about acting since middle school, often visited film companies and even acted in films from a young age. In 1924, the Star Film Company invited her to play the role of Yun Qian. Naimei's performance is natural and fluid. Director Zhang Shichuan (1996, p. 405) said that her talent was higher than that Wang Hanlun’s one, who plays the heroine in the same film. Afterwards, Naimei starred in Young Lady's Fan, Orchid in an Empty Valley and Resurrection of Conscience, which welcomed large audiences and received high praise from the media. Naimei, with her outstanding acting skills and constant anecdotes told about her, became a social celebrity of great renown. Naimei established the Naimei Film Company in 1928 and raised a sizable sum of money to produce The Miracle Woman. Later, poor management rendered the corporation incapable of surviving. After being married, Naimei's influence on the industry slowly decreased. She entered the sound film period in the 1930s. After her family broke up, Naimei was found panhandling in Hong Kong in the 1950s. When word got out, Naimei was given to her adopted daughter, who raised her in Taiwan until her death in Taipei in 1960.
Among movie stars of the 1920s, Naimei was known for her bold dress (Figure 1). As can be seen from the photos published in the newspapers then, Yang Naimei often wore a bobo head, long pearl necklace, straight flat-chested tube skirt or robe and bare legs— a flapper’s all the classic elements. Naimei's fashionable dress led other women to follow suit. After Naimei went to Changsha to perform in 1927, the “Naimei costume” appeared in Changsha. The so-called plum dress is a straight sleeveless skirt. At that time, the report described it as “equivalent to our so-called sweat jacket, shaped like a long tube, from the breast to the knee, with double bands hanging over the shoulder” (Figure 2). Because this kind of outfit is “[…] as thin as cicada wings, the skin is often visible,” and the director of public security of Changsha issued an order to prohibit it in order to maintain decency (WANGXIANG, 1929, p. 348).
Figure 1 - The main character of this film (Her Pain) is Yang Naimei
(ZHANG, 1996).
Figure 2 - Yang Naimei's stay in Beijing
(WANGXIANG, 1929, p. 349).
Matching Naimei's fashionable style were her uninhibited words and actions. On the screen, she played the role of a social butterfly and prostitute; in her personal life, she had relationships with male stars such as Zhu Fei and Wang Jiting.
Naimei's first well-known character was Yunqian in The Jade Pear Soul. Yunqian is not the kind of romantic girl that Naimei became known for playing afterwards. In the first half of the story, she is a proud student, and later she becomes a bitter wife who searches for her husband for thousands of miles. However, because Yang Naimei’s romantic image became so typical, some scholars of later generations mistakenly believed that Yun Qian was also this type, describing her as a beautiful and dissolute “social butterfly” or “[…] a young girl engaging in perverse behavior.” (ZHANG, 2014, p. 43).
Although Naimei entered the film world with a good woman’s role like Yunqian, Zhang Shichuan writes that Naimei “[…] is particularly suited to play the kind of romantic woman because of her unrestrained private life.” (XU, 2014, p. 4). Thus, most of the roles Yang Naimei took on were romantic girls. For example, in the 1926 film The Roses Bloom Everywhere in April, Naimei played a social butterfly1s role, who flirts with different men; in Resurrection of Conscience of the same year, Yang played a maid whom the young master has abandoned. In the 1927 film Spring Dream by the Lake, Naimei played a charming young woman. And in the 1928 film President of Huaguo, Naimei played a famous prostitute’s role.
Naimei's performance won her great admiration. Bao Tianxiao, the screenwriter of Resurrection of Conscience, once praised Naimei, saying: “It's a wonderful performance. I admire [how the heroine chases the train] (BAO, 2014, p. 532). That day, Naimei worked hard and went straight to the end of the platform. She came back gloomy. This is still a silent movie! But this scene is really silent is better than sound at this time. When we look at it, we don't feel sad.” (ZHANG, 1996, p. 405).
Zhang Weitao, director of President of Huaguo, said: “Naimei is good at the performance of romanticism. In this play, she is especially good at it. She describes the different personalities of Zhou Miaoying and the president of Huaguo profoundly and uniquely.” (BAO, 2014, p. 520).
What is particularly noteworthy is Naimei's performance in Spring Dream by the Lake (Figure 3). In the film, Naimei plays the lover in a young scholar's dream. In the plan, she asks the young man to accept her whipping him to prove his love for her. She whips him relentlessly and then hugs him and kisses his wound (ZHANG, 2006, p. 318).
Figure 3 - Yang Naimei and Gong Jianong negotiate in Spring Dream by the Lake
(ZHANG, 2006, p. 318).
As to Naimei's role, Zhang subtly commented:
When she wanted to whip Sun Pijiang but didn't get his permission, she looked annoyed but not annoyed. She turned her eyes and bit her upper lip with her teeth, and her body moved slightly. I'm not afraid of being abrupt. I dare to say that this is the so-called willful but unspeakable masturbation. At this point, she can stand head and shoulders above the rest. (ZHENG, 1996, p. 1039).
With her excellent acting skills and the media attention she was receiving, Naimei ushered in the peak of her career in the second half of the 1920s. Her movies, such as Young Lady's Fan and Orchid in an Empty Valley, cleaned up at the box office. During the release of Resurrection of Conscience, Naimei personally appeared on the stage to reenact vividly a scene from the film. At the same time, she sang the theme song “Ru Niang Qu,” which received a thunderous applause from the audience. Thereafter, she was often invited to perform songs on the stage and sometimes could be found surrounded by the audience after the performance. Sanyou, the China brothers, Tianhua and other tobacco companies invited Naimei to be in their advertisements (QIAN, 1927, p. 48). Other tobacco companies also used Naimei’s image without authorization, for which she took them to court (WU, 1928, p. 23).
But Naimei's ambition was more than that. She was not always willing to listen to what the director told her to do. She planned to set up her own film company and make the films she wanted to shoot.
It is expensive to start a film production firm. After learning the news, Zhang Zongchang, the warlord of the Shandong Province, extended an invitation to Yang Naimei to a conference in Jinan with an offer to invest. The popularity of Zhang Zongchang was low. Naimei's acquaintances at the time cautioned her against accepting out of concern that doing so would put her in the hands of evil and make it impossible for her to escape. Naimei hesitated protractedly. Nothing risks, nothing wins. Finally, she went north to attend the appointment and brought back a large sum of money to set up the Naimei Film Company. From then on, public opinion cursed Naimei for not demonstrating “self-love” and for being “degenerate.” Naimei, on the other hand, was bolder, buying luxury houses and new cars, raising wolfhounds, holding wine parties frequently and arming herself with exaggerated luxury.
In 1928, the Naimei Film Company was officially established and began to shoot its only film, The Miracle Woman. It is based on real events. The character's prototype is Yu Meiyan, the news of whose suicide in a river sent out shockwaves. Meiyan, who was Cantonese, had run away from home to escape her unhappy arranged marriage. She found many lovers in Guangzhou, Shanghai, Nanyang and became a famous social butterfly. Gradually, the drifting life caused Meiyan to feel empty and meaningless. She committed suicide in 1928 on the ferry from Hong Kong to Shanghai. At the age of thirty-one, she left a suicide note containing expressions of her disappointment with society.
Yu Meiyan's actions resonated deeply with Naimei. She spent a lot of effort setting up the shooting team for Strange Woman and cast herself as the lead. In her lifetime, Meiyan's story was very well known. A rich businessman agreed to pay 3,000 yuan to Meiyan for prostitution, but only half of the amount was paid when she went to the appointment. Meiyan then immediately threw a silver dollar out of the window. Passersby roared and scrambled, and Meiyan burst into laughter. Naimei attached great importance to this act and regarded it as a key scene of the film (FENG, 2013, p. 124).
It is not difficult to understand why Naimei valued this act. In it, Naimei’s and Meiyan’s images are closely linked. Behind the scenes, there was helplessness, anger and ridicule that could not be concealed.
Naimei promoted The Miracle Woman after it was made by taking a number of leading stars of the movie on a promotional tour. The Miracle Woman had strong ticket sales and made a sizable profit thanks to many people’s efforts. Sadly, Naimei's film firm was unable to keep up this momentum. She developed opium and gambling addictions. Every day, she spent hundreds of thousands of silver dollars, depleting the assets. Naimei, who had a tough life before the 1930s, cleaned up her spirit and retook control of the drama, but her charisma was not as strong as it had been. At 28, she first appeared in the media as a middle-aged woman who was beginning to lose her appeal. The era in which Naimei had dominated the film business was over. She was younger than Hu Die and Ruan Lingyu; both are like the sun in the sky. In 1932, Naimei married Chen Junjing, Chen Shaobai’s son (QING, 1928, p. 46). She had to keep a low profile because the Chen family’s elders did not agree with this marriage at all. After marriage, Naimei went with Junjing to settle in Hong Kong. She had no children but adopted a daughter.
Later, Naimei made a failed comeback attempt. In the turmoil of the world, the couple's two assets were exhausted, and they broke off their relationship. Naimei, poor, sick and lonely, was finally reduced to begging.
3 Yang Naimei’s decline and the flapper’s dilemma
It is easy to attribute failure to Yang Naimei's extravagance when she was young. However, if we compare the other female movie stars of the 1920s and 1930s with Naimei, we can see that things are not so simple. Ruan Lingyu died of suicide in the mid-1930s. Zhou Xuan was cheated on by her lover and lost almost all her property. She collapsed and died in 1957. Zhang Zhiyun, the first film queen, died in Hong Kong in the mid-1970s due to poverty and illness. Before her death, she used to sleep in the street and beg. Few of these female stars of the 1920s and 1930s could enjoy their old age like Hu Die (Table 1).
Table 1 - Female stars of the 1920s–1930s who died of poverty or suicide.
|
Name |
Year of Birth |
Representative Work |
Cause of Death |
|
Olive Young |
1903 |
At the End of Her Rope |
Died of pneumonia at the age of 37 during a performance in the United States. |
|
Naimei Yang |
1904 |
Spring Dream by the Lake |
Begged on the streets of Hong Kong in the 1950s and died of illness in Taipei in 1960. |
|
Zhiyun Zhang |
1904 |
A Sincerely Pity Girl |
Begged on the streets of Hong Kong in the 1960s and died in poverty in the 1970s. |
|
Lingyu Ruan |
1910 |
The Dream of the Ancient Capital |
Committed suicide at the age of 25. |
|
Xia Ai |
1912 |
Spring Silkworms |
Committed suicide at the age of 22. |
From the author's own arrangement.
Why is hard to escape from so many flappers’ fate of madness, disease and poverty? What factors made Fitzgerald, Bow and Brooks, despite a different cultural context, share Yang Naimei, Zhang Zhiyun, Ruan Lingyu and others’ similar fate?
We must go back to their respective eras and social backgrounds to find the answer. In the 1920s, American society was experiencing dramatic changes. Attendance at larger universities doubled between 1915 and 1930. The number of cars on the road increased from 6.8 million in 1919 to 122 million in 1929. During the same period, the urban population of the United States exceeded half of the total population for the first time. In 1920, women officially earned the right to vote with the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment (GONG, 2103, p. 122). In the same year, 8.3 million women over the age of fifteen worked outside the home in the United States, making up 23.6% of the labor force. Contraceptives were now widely accessible because of social activists like Margaret Sanger, dramatically enhancing women's power over their bodies.
Before these changes, family and childbirth had almost been women's whole lives. Margaret Sanger's mother, for example, had eleven children and seven miscarriages before she died in 1899. In Sanger's memory, his mother was always in a state of weakness and lethargy. She believes excessive childbearing had deprived her mother of her health and life. In the 1920s, young women with a professional income did not have to spend all their time giving birth and caring for their families. After work, they could put on lipstick, order a gin in the bar and allocate their spare time according to their wishes.
Although American society has given women some more room, it was still quite constrained. At that time, the majority of women worked in low-wage sectors like the service, entertainment, textile and garment industries. Their youth and vitality were cruelly consumed by these jobs, and once they reached adulthood, they were eliminated. These were insecure and temporary professions, in contrast to the lawyers, engineers, surgeons and government officials’ more specialized work, which remained inaccessible to them. The middle-aged flappers could not find their place in society. Their income, prestige and status could not increase like their male counterparts’ ones. When their youth was over, most found themselves.
In the same period, China, like the United States, was also facing a rapid social transformation, although the background of its agricultural society and still-looming history of its ancient empire made this transformation more difficult. For the Chinese at the time, the car was still a novel foreign product. The urbanization process had just begun, and most of the population still lived in rural areas. In a small number of rapidly developing cities, a small number of professional women began to appear. In Nanjing in 1928, women accounted for 8.7 percent of the total employees (WU, 1928, p. 23). In 1930, the results of an investigation by the Nanjing National Government in twenty-seven cities, in nine provinces, showed that the number of working women was 374,000 (SAGERT, 2010, p. 3). Zhang Jingsheng, a sex educator and birth control practitioner, wrote a history of sexuality and gave several presentations on sex education in the second half of the 1920s. These works were released publicly and derided by the general public as literary demons.
From this, we can see that Yang Naimei, the flapper of China, would feel more disconnected from her cultural background than Zelda Fitzgerald had on the other side of the ocean. Naimei was born in Guangdong, where the atmosphere was open. She had not bound her feet as a child. However, most of the women of her time still had lotus feet. Naimei yearned for romantic love in the modern sense, but at this time, the restrictions on women's sexual morality were still very harsh, while society was much more permissive toward men. Naimei had many romantic relationships, which were regarded as immoral for her, although it was considered elegant for a man to take concubines or prostitutes. Naimei's photos were often arranged in the newspapers and magazines alongside famous concubines or prostitutes.
A well-known scandal in the 1920s illustrates the differences in moral attitudes toward male and female sexuality. Xu Zhimo fell in love with Lin Huiyin. In 1922, he divorced his first wife, Zhang Youyi, but failed in his proposal to Huiyin. Later, he married Lu Xiaoman. Zhang Youyi was an old-fashioned woman. After her divorce, she was asked not to be Xu Zhimo's wife but still to be Xu's daughter-in-law (BERNARD, 2000, p. 19). Zhang Youyi thus still served Xu Zhimo's family wholeheartedly for a long time and even looked after Lu Xiaoman when he had no money. In such an atmosphere, we can imagine how difficult it was for women to be independent.
Female stars, shop assistants, saleswomen, servers and clerks had long been seen as service providers who ought to answer the men’s requirements throughout the early phase of Chinese women's professionalization in the 1920s. They were merely the objects of service; their role had changed from that of serving a specific guy in the home to that of servicing societal male consumer groups. The main connections in this service are those involving sexual desire and the giving of emotional value. The women were to be discarded once these items were no longer accessible. In Zhou Xuan: A Singer of the Generation, Shen Ji once recorded such an event: in 1954, Xinhua Film Company of Hong Kong brought together Yang Naimei, Zhang Zhiyun and Wu Suxin, these down-and-out old stars, to take part in the film Beauty in Heaven. But a fire that broke out nearly burned these three famous old beauties of the 1930s in “heaven.” The shooting plan failed, and they were considered to be the ones who had brought bad luck (ZHENG, 2010, p. 149). The paragraph describing the event is full of the older women’s malicious ridicule. Shen Ji then explains that it was precisely because of the tragedy, which befell Yang Naimei, that Zhou Xuan was eager to marry a reliable man, who ended up cheating her out of all of her assets.
Aging is cruel and fatal to the flappers. From this, we can see why Yang Naimei crazily squandered her money and youth when she was young and why Zelda Fitzgerald, who was born into a good family and had a romantic marriage, indulged in creation in the latter half of her life with an attitude of extraordinary self-suffering. They tried to preserve their earlier lifestyles as they aged, but all their lives ended in tragedy.
The interplay between flappers and society has been disastrous from the start. In this historical period, women required space to grow and expand out as well as the chance to do new things, but the war was fought against rigid social conventions.
The price they paid for the fight was particularly high. Even in the best of times, Yang Naimei was under great pressure and constantly worry. The media enjoyed talking about her anecdotes while also criticizing her. This brought her great trouble. Some newspapers and magazines reported triumphantly that Naimei had invited reporters to a high-end restaurant for dinner and asked them to stop reporting her negative news (ZHANG, 2011, p. 126). Naimei's love life was also unsatisfactory. During her cohabitation with Wang Jiting, the two were in constant conflict, even falling things and scolding each other. Jiting took Naimei's money and did not pay it back, which led to Naimei having to extort debts by suicidally swallowing tobacco soil (SHEN, 1999, p. 180).
After Naimei's marriage, much of the media praised her for finally finding a home and becoming a good wife. However, in this so-called good marriage, Naimei had to constantly seek medical advice regarding having a son (SHI, 1926, p. 123). And, like many other wives at the time, she had to keep fighting with her husband's mistress (DAO, 1927, p. 23).
Nearly a hundred years later, the problems faced by Zelda Fitzgerald and Yang Naimei have not completely disappeared, and gender discrimination still exists in different forms. In the United States of today, many professional fields are still not fully open to women, and there has still been no female president in American history. In China, the preference for boys in families is still obvious. According to the sixth census data, the male-to-female ratio of newborns is 118:100 (FEI, 1935, p. 12). Men's employment opportunities are higher than women's, and women still find it more difficult to be promoted than men.
Nevertheless, compared with one hundred years ago, women have more space and choices in both professional and personal life. In 2015, American women already controlled more than half of the wealth of the nation (SAN, 1936, p. 4), and in 2020, working women accounted for 49.5 percent of the total labor force in the nonagricultural sector. In China, as of 2018, women employees accounted for 43.7 percent of the total number of employed people and 47.9 percent of the population, aged six and above, with higher education (FREEDMAN, 1974, p. 373).
Conclusion
From a historical point of view, before 1911, the female models of traditional China were virtuous women confined behind the inner curtain all their lives; after 1949, the female models of the People's Republic of China were women who were successful at work. In between the two, flappers like Yang Naimei are the indispensable link in women's development. Their departure from the family opened up the process of women's socialization and indicated a significant change in the distribution pattern of social responsibility and power between the sexes. Although they are often flattened into fashionable girls, who wore exotic clothes and liked to flirt, as Freedman (1974, p. 383) says in her oft-cited paper “The New Woman: Changing Views of Women in the 1920s,” sexual independence is only the most sensational prelude to the change the women's status, while political and economic equality is the backing. Even now, gender equality is still a long-term goal and distant dream to be realized.
Yang Naimei - Prática de Vida de uma Flapper Chinesa do Desenvolvimento da Mulher na China
Resumo: Yang Naimei (杨耐梅) é uma estrela de cinema chinesa da primeira metade do século XX. O estudo discute a prática de vida e o significado de Yang Naimei como uma flapper chinesa. Flapper se refere à garota moderna que cresceu na Europa e na América, na década de 1920, e desafia o estilo de vida tradicional. Yang Naimei é boa em atuar como uma mulher indisciplinada, na tela. Ela teve muitos relacionamentos em sua vida. Ela acumulou riqueza e reputação com sua carreira de atriz, que incorpora totalmente as características da flapper. No entanto, a sociedade da época não oferecia espaço suficiente para o desenvolvimento sustentável da geração de mulheres, como Yang Naimei, na vida econômica, política e pessoal. Com a sua juventude passada, ela foi eliminada pela indústria cinematográfica e sofreu com a pobreza e a doença, na segunda metade de sua vida. Tomando Yang Naimei como uma silhueta dos tempos, pode-se refletir sobre as voltas e reviravoltas do caminho de desenvolvimento das mulheres chinesas.
Palavras-chave: Filme chinês. Flapper. Prática de Vida. Desenvolvimento Feminino.
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Received: 27/7/2022
Approved? 27/9/2022
Comment on “Yang Naimei – Life Practice of a Chinese ‘Flapper’ of Women’s Development in China”
Commented Article: XU, Yanrui; WANG, Junwei. Yang Naimei - life practice of a Chinese "flapper" of women's development in China. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 325 - 342, 2023.
Yang Naimei was a Chinese movie star in the first half of the 20th century. Xu and Wang (2023) discuss Yang Naimei’s life practice and significance as a Chinese flapper. Flapper refers to the modern girl who rose in Europe and America in the 1920s and challenged the traditional lifestyle. Yang Naimei is good at acting as an unruly woman on the screen. She has had many relationships in her life. She has accumulated wealth and a reputation with her acting career, which fully embodies the flapper’s characteristics. However, society at that time did not provide enough space for the sustainable development of Yang Naimei’s generation of women in economic, political and personal life. After her youth was no longer, she was eliminated by the film industry and suffered from poverty and disease in the latter half of her life. Taking Yang Naimei as a silhouette of the times can reflect the twists and turns of Chinese women’s development path (Title “YANG NAIMEI – LIFE PRACTICE OF A CHINESE ‘FLAPPER’ OF WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA”).
In China, women’s development means that women enjoy equal opportunities with men to participate in social development, including the social creation of environment and conditions for women’s development. Among the early Chinese female film stars who first appeared in the 1920s, Yang Naimei stood out, especially for her flamboyant character and behavior. There is a strong intertextual relationship between her personal life and her screen image. Her ups and downs have been as legendary as the films she has starred in Chinese cinema for more than 100 years. This article takes Yang Naimei as the silhouette of The Times and explains the context and development of the women’s movement since the 20th century in plain language. Similarly, using her tragic ending also shows the difficulties of women’s individual development in the difficult transition process from tradition to modernity in China (BAO, 2014, p. 520).
The overall structure of this article is very clear. Initially, the term “flappers” introduces the genesis of women’s liberation. Using the opinions of renowned scholars on flappers and Yang Naimei, women’s emancipation draws attention. She then elaborates on the foreign life experiences of a few western ladies to illustrate the similarities between Yang Naimei and these women. Lastly, it describes in depth Yang Naimei’s entire life, from her early influence through her death on the street. She neither is like the conventional women of before 1911, who stayed at home to be nice; nor is she like the women who succeeded in their careers after 1949; nonetheless, she is a vital component of the women’s growth.
The feminist movement is also called the women’s Liberation Movement or the women’s Movement. It is a feminist revolutionaries’ social goal or social activity who oppose discrimination against women, enable women to obtain the social status and social power they should enjoy, and achieve complete equality of gender rights. Its movement involves politics, economy, culture, society and family. Feminist activists put forward the slogan of fighting for women’s freedom and rights, which made certain historical achievements in the social background of anti-feudalism and anti-patriarchy at that time. The idea of equality between men and women still exists today, two thousand years later.
To some extent, it promoted the progress of society and the development of history. In the social environment of “acting is a cheap thing,” Yang Naimei resolutely carries on the self-expression, willing to devote herself to the film career despised by the general famous family and ladies with the educated women’s education, and even at the cost of running away from home and breaking up with her family. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, when the Chinese women’s modernization was far from complete, it can be said that some women’s body and consciousness had already arrived in the public space before their social status was substantially improved. Yang Naimei was one of the vanguard representatives (BERNARD, 2000, p. 19).
True equality does not need social and legal constraints, but a natural equality everyone is willing to follow. True civilization does not necessitate confrontation with nature, but it permits us to do so when deemed necessary. The less personality and social psychology constrain individuals, the more they will naturally follow the trend of The Times. The less an individual’s personality or social psychology holds them back, the more they will naturally follow the lead of The Time. The nature does not impose its will on humans as it does on animals. This is the fundamental meaning of equality, and it is also a society backed by the public. Since the end of the nineteenth century, Chinese society has been socially modernizing women. The liberation of the mind has brought about the opening of the gender concept, and women can enter the public space and perform on the stage. Some excellent female movie stars even have considerable social attention, and Yang Naimei is one of the outstanding ones. To some extent, Yang Naimei’s screen image and personal achievements opened up the limits of women’s abilities in the 1920s. They became a typical sample for the successful women’s study at that time.
Adept at playing social butterfly roles without affectation, Yang Naimei became the first female star in Chinese film history to be known for her womanizing. It’s hard to say whether this is an affirmation of an actress’s acting prowess or a woman’s subtle moral satire. But on the other hand, Yang’s characters, from Junqian, the obsessive and unruly little aunt in “Soul of the Jade Pear” to Qiang Wang, the comic girl who juggled three men in “Everywhere the Roses Bloom at the End of April,” both Yang Naimei and Yu Meiyan, the bold love pursuer and social rebel in the Strange Woman, broke through the consistent group images of miserable, depressed and helpless female characters in early Chinese films to some extent (FENG, 2013, p. 124). Combined with displaying her talents and beautiful images off-screen, Yang Naimei realized the successful women’s image building in various fields of social stage and public media.
There is no doubt that Yang Naimei’s screen image and private life have a clever intertextual relationship with Yu Meiyan, her leading lady in the film. Eager to break through the traditional barriers and pursue self-liberation and expression, Yang Naimei is also a “strange woman” in the era, although she does not follow moral discipline and obey the family arrangement: she studied abroad to become an elite intellectual woman. Nor was it more successful in his career: Nai Mei Films eventually became a one-film company. However, Yang Naimei’s practice and success of “all the pioneering actions of female actresses in South Asia” can also be regarded as an unconscious revolution of the female body (SAN, 1936, p. 4). The weakness of women’s power determined by The Times makes it impossible for strange women like Yang Naimei to find a real way to break through the environment. Still, the personal history they strive to write is worth rediscovering and studying.
This article is well written, detailed and clear in all aspects, fluent and not boring. The whole story is told. The language is clear, and every woman should read it. Moreover, they should also realize that participation in social labor is a right that countless predecessors have won for us and a prerequisite for their liberation. Without economic independence, they can only be a vassal for their life. Without independence, there is no freedom (WU, 1928, p. 23.).
Yang Naimei’s character and behavior at that time and later were an anomaly among the early Chinese female film stars. Her unique family background and the era atmosphere of gradual urban modernization of Shanghai Tang have cultivated her capricious and bold character. Her legendary life is itself another legend under one screen. As Lu Xun reminded me, in those days, women who defied convention and were unconventionally faced the same dilemma: what to do once Nora left? Either descend or return. The contemporary metropolitan women’s modernization appears to begin with the body revolution, but where may this path lead? In Yang Naimei’s period, the question of how women should approach innovation has long loomed large. The traditional consciousness and the town of nothing in the patriarchal society have reduced their power to break through the encircling momentarily. They are leaving only historical facts and citing the achievement of a living legend (ZHOU, 2004, p. 118).
Even now, gender equality is still a long-term goal. However, the sad fact is that traditional family values are still deeply rooted since the founding of the People’s Republic, and women who give up childbearing and family for career and art (in Yang Naimei’s case) are still stigmatized by society. Fortunately, we still have time. I want to witness the awakening of women’s independent consciousness in the socialist environment and learn to think independently in compulsory education. I hope that all women in the coming years can improve their independent consciousness in such a socialist environment and help themselves to be liberated.
REFERENCES
BAO, T. X. Memoirs of Chuanying Studio. Beijing: Life Reading and Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, 2014.
BERNARD, A. Contraceptive Tablets: A World Changing Drug Legend. Beijing: Oriental, 2000.
FENG, Y. Y. Archives of Chinese Old Cigarette Brands. Shanghai: Shanghai Culture, 2013.
SAN, G. Yinhai Secret: Yang Naimei is Jealous. Shadow Dance News, v. 2, p. 4-5, 1936.
WU, M. Q. On the Spot Record of Watching Yang Naimei. Supplement of New Morning Post, v. 20, p. 23-26, 1928.
XU, Y.; WANG, J. Yang Naimei - life practice of a Chinese "flapper" of women's development in China. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 325 - 342, 2023.
ZHOU, H. L. Performing China: Female Stars, Performing Culture, Visual Politics, 1910-1945. Taipei: Maitian, 2004.
Received: 17/01/2023
Approved: 20/01/2023
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE DEBATE ON THE MONETARY SYSTEM DURING THE EASTERN JIN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES AND EAST ZHEJIANG ECONOMIC REGION[60]
Abstract: Not only the indigenous aristocratic families but also northern immigrant families living in east Zhejiang were involved in the debates on monetary theory and policy thought in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. The debates were often focused on the commodity prices and forced labor in east Zhejiang. This special historical phenomenon reflects two questions. On the one hand, the chaos caused by the war in the north and scholar families migrating southward greatly promoted the development of southern China, which made the five counties in east Zhejiang the most important and active areas of economy. On the other hand, it reflects the relationship changes between immigrants and indigenous gentries. Namely, the indigenous aristocratic families and northern immigrant families cooperated in economy so as to enhance the prosperity and development of the east Zhejiang region. Later, with the rise of "common people (寒人)", the scholars’ economic status was increasingly impacted, which resulted in the gentries’ anxiety and crisis consciousness.
Keywords: Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. Debate on the monetary system. East Zhejiang.
INTRODUCTION
According to modern economic philosophy, the understanding of the monetary system and its actual implementation in the successive dynasties of China can never be separated from the economic background of the time. For instance, the policy of the pre-Qin and pre-Han dynasties, which priorizes agriculture and restricting commerce is an evidence that the feudal system, which is the unavoidable result of the feudal natural economy, is never an accident. What kind of economic policy, which a country or regime implements, is ultimately determined, by its economic foundation? From the perspective of economic philosophy, the economic foundation of Chinese feudal society as the self-sufficient natural economy had driven the rulers of successive dynasties to regard the development of agriculture as the "foundation of the state" and restrain commerce and industry as the "low-end industry". While the under on monetary yanding system, in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, was just a page in this long history. However, these philosophically distinct ideological discussions on monetary theory and policy were primarily concentrated in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties.
With various characterizations such as casting, issuance and circulation, the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, as an era of "chaos of currencies", provided fertile soil for the prosperity of monetary thought. At that time, "[…] a group of commentators taking money as currencies opposed the abolishment of currencies using grains and silks” (LI, 1991, p. 65); “[…] opposed currency depreciation and implemented inflation; insisted the state monopoly of mintage right to maintain the unity of currencies.” (ZHANG, 2001, p. 11). Note that these ideological debates on monetary theory and policy were mainly concentrated in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. Further investigation reveals that it has a close connection to the five counties that were established in the East Zhejiang region at the time, namely Kuaiji, Dongyang, Xin'an, Linhai and Yongjia. These counties are located in the region south of the Qiantang River, which is present-day east of Zhejiang Province and Fujian Province. Contemporary academic circles have not given this historical phenomenon the attention it deserves. Thus, the paper will make a stab at interviewing specialists.
1 immigrant gentry, Indigenous gentry, COMMODITY PRICES AND forced labor: "EAST ZHEJIANG" FACTORS IN THE DEBATE ON MONETARY THEORIES IN THE EASTERN JIN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES
In history, there are nine cases of currency debates in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties:
Debate 1: in the first year of Yuanxing (402A. D), in the Eastern Jin, Kong Linzhi opposed the dictator Huan Xuan's policy of "abolishing currencies, using grains and silks" and got the most people’s support (SHENG,1974, p. 1559).
Debate 2: in the Second year of Yongchu (421A. D), in the Liu Song, Fan Tai opposed the someone’s policy of "[…] expropriation of copper from the people, coin more Wuzhu coins.” (五铢钱)" (SHENG, 1974, p. 1618).
Debate 3: in the 24th year of Yongjia (447A. D), in the Liu Song, He Shangzhi opposed the duke of Jiangxia Liu Yigong's policy of "[…] coin twice the amount of the Wuzhu coins (五铢钱), but not in weight." (SHENG, 1974, p. 1735).
Debate 4: between the first year of Yuanxing (454A. D) and the Second year of Daming (458A. D), in the Liu Song, emperor opposed Zhou Lang's policy of "[…] abolishing currencies, using grains and silks." (SHENG, 1974, p. 2904).
Debate 5: in the third year of Xiaojian (456A. D), in the Liu Song, Xu Yuan proposed to coin more Wuzhu coins (五铢钱) and ransomed a sentence with money (SHENG,1974, p. 1960-1961).
Debate 6: in the third year of Xiaojian (456A. D), in the Liu Song, the duke of Jiangxia, Liu Yigong, and Yan Jun opposed Sheng Qingzhi's policy of "[…] give the mintage right to the People, and then managed by the government." (SHENG, 1974, p. 1961).
Debate 7: in the third year of Xiaojian (456A. D), in the Liu Song, Yan Jun opposed somebody’s policy of "coin Erzhu coins” (二铢钱)" (SHENG, 1974, p. 1963).
Debate 8: in the fourth year of Jianyuan (482A. D), in the Southern Qi, Kong Ji followed the method of the Han Dynasty to advocate that coin more Wuzhu coins (五铢钱) in The Proposal of Casting Money to Equal Goods (XIAO, 1972, p. 652).
Debate 9: in the Second year of Yongmin (484A. D), in the Southern Qi, the duke of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, opposed Wang Jingze's policy of "[…] replace forced labor with coins in the Kuaiji, Dongyang, Xin'an, Linhai, and Yongjia." (XIAO, 1972, p. 482).
According to the above debates, we can find that the East Zhejiang regional background factors contained the currency system debates in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. They are mainly reflected in the following two aspects:
First of all, East Zhejiang was a gathering place for the immigrant gentries and the indigenous gentries. Not only the indigenous aristocratic families but also the northern immigrant families living in east Zhejiang were the active participants in the debates over the monetary system of the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. The modern economic philosophy shows that the degree of perception of economic system is affected by the status, and the degree of economic development in turn determines the economic system. Therefore, it is not surprising that the debates on the currency system of the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties mostly occurred in East Zhejiang.
Of course, the philosophical debate over the monetary system is also ascribed to the inherent antagonism between the migratory and indigenous gentry, in addition to the most fundamental economic issues. Initially, the two sides were in various humanistic and geographic settings. Due to the various deeply established differences in social interactions, interpersonal relationships and other traits, that would significantly affect the political and economic stances between the two groups, there would undoubtedly be inconsistencies when it comes to integration. As the political, economic, military and cultural centers of East Zhejiang, located in the Ningshao Plain, Kuaiji County, highly developed since the Han Dynasty, has pushed the rise of local powers of aristocratic clans and it has became the settlement for many northern nobilities, who crossed the south of the Yangtze River after the Yongjia Rebellion. In Debate1, Kong Linzhi came from the Kong clan in Shanyin, which was among the big four in Kuaiji tribes. In Debate 3, He Shangzhi’s great-grandfather was He Chong. He was Wang Dao’s nephew, a hero of the founding of the country. So taking advantage of the opportunity to serve as the prefect of Dongyang and the chief executive of Kuaiji, He Chong moved from his native Lujiang County to the area of Shanyin, in Kuaiji, to purchase real estate for settling down (FANG, 1974, p. 2028).
In Debate 6 and Debate7, Yan Jun called himself a villager in East Zhejiang (SHENG, 1974, p. 1964). The migration of the Yan clan in Langya to East Zhejiang might be traced back to Yan Jun's great-grandfather, Yan Han. It is very likely that Yan Han, like He Chong, moved to the area of East Zhejiang by taking advantage of serving as the prefect of Dongyang. In Debate 8, although Kong Ji's birthplace and life story are unknown, when the clansmen occupied the commanding heights of the official career and monopolized resources, if he did not come from the Kong clan in Shanyin, or from the children of the Kong clan in Lu (SHENG, 1974, p. 2283).
Second, both the price situation and the forced labor in East Zhejiang were important arguments and focal points in the debate over the monetary system of the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. Among the various factors, related to the operation of economic philosophy, the price situation and tax levying, as the important influencing factors for good economic operation and people's well-being, are the key issues directly related to the livelihood of the state.
In Debate 1, the ideological confrontation, between Huan Xuan and Kong Linzhi on the idea of abolishing currencies and the theory of anti-abolishing currencies, occurred in the context of the famine in Kuaiji. At the time, Kong Linzhi's refutation was approved by the majority of the court, and even Huan Xuan, as the actual power-holder, had to succumb to his emphasis on the timeliness of currency for the disease, which was related to the improper famine relief in his hometown Kuaiji (FANG, 1974, p. 2591).
In Debate 8, the concept of "connecting foods and currencies", firstly proposed by Kong Ji, emphasizes the causal relationship between the interaction of currency and the output (ZENG, 2001, p. 129). Starting from this line of thinking, he pointed out that the rise in the price of rice, due to the floods in recent years, was the performance of raging deflation in the early years of the Southern Qi Dynasty, and Kuaiji was the worst disaster area (XIAO, 1972, p. 652).
The core content of Debate 9 was the forced labor in East Zhejiang. Like Kong Ji, Xiao Ziliang also noticed the deflation phenomenon at that time. Instead than focusing on actively minting coins to combat the deflationary problem, the many discussion backgrounds forced him to attempt to explain the absurdity of the monetization of tax collecting in the context of deflation. As a result, Xiao provided a thorough overview of the socioeconomic situation in East Zhejiang and made the following recommendations: the collection and distribution of taxes should continue as before, with the burden reduced to an appropriate level; the currencies obtained from tax revenue, regardless of their size, can be received at an equal price; and the local goods and accouterments for offsetting the tax should be assessed at market value.
To sum up, Debate 1, Debate 3, Debate 6, Debate 7, Debate 8 and Debate 9 are six cases in total. In other words, two-thirds of currency disputes in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties are closely related to East Zhejiang.
2 FROM the migrant gentries and the indigenous gentries TO THE RISE OF "COMMON PEOPLE (寒人)": THE BACKGROUND for EAST ZHEJIANG to BECOME the source of currency thought
The reason for East Zhejiang to become the source of currency thought was firstly and directly related to Jiankang (in today's Nanjing City), the capital of Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, which had greatly promoted the economy of the surrounding areas, especially the commercial prosperity and development. The Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties are an important period for the development of the south area of the Yangtze River. In terms of urban scale, Jiankang, as the capital with the fastest development, reached 280,000 in the number of households in the Liang Dynasty. If monks, nuns, and slaves were counted, the total population must be more than 1.5 million (YAN, 2009, p. 1038). As a result, the huge urban population drove the corresponding consumer demands to make the various commercial activities gradually flourish.
According to the Records of The Book of Sui, among the several important commercial centers around Jiankang, Kuaiji and Dongyang belonged to the five counties in East Zhejiang (WEI, 1973, p. 887). Not only that, but East Zhejiang also served as one of the main grain-producing areas at that time. It was the the officials, civilians and ordinary people’s depedence to make a living in Jiankang. Once there was a change, a large-scale famine would be triggered. In the last years of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, a shortage of food in Jiankang occurred due to famine, and even rice husks and bark were used as rations for soldiers (SI, 1956, p. 3535).
Second, the rise and development of the concept of local currency were philosophically based on the economic interaction and cooperation between the Tujia nationality, in East Zhejiang, and the gentry, in the north, during the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. However, this interaction and cooperation were characterised by constant collision and coordination between the two sides with differences and contradictions. Similar to the Spring, Autumn and warn periods, the interaction between the two sides would inspire fresh thinking and elevate their understanding of trade and money. In other words, the establishment of the Hundred Schools of Thought can result from the subjects’ collision and encounter, the ones from many places, civilizations and backgrounds. After the Yongjia Rebellion, a large number of northern nobles, headed by Wang and Xie, engaged in political activities in Jiankang and chose the Linhai area of Kuaiji as their place of settlement. According to Chen Yinque's explanation, the reason for this was that, without "an empty place nearby" Jiankang, the Jinling area of Jingkou is occupied by the inferior nobles from the north, and Ruowu County, Yixing, Wuxing, etc. are all Wu people's forces. Thus, the only way to cross the Qiantang River is to reach Kuaiji County, where the Wu people's forces are relatively weak. Turning to the east is to pursue economic development (CHEN, 2001, p. 69). Then, what were the main ways for the gentries and tyrants in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties to "serve the development of the economy"?
From Xu Mian's Book of Commandments, we can see that the mode of local tyrants in the Southern Dynasties to set up storehouses, stores and rented houses is similar to urban complexes in function, which have made a lot of money for local tyrants (YAO, 1972, p. 383). As for the northern nobles after moving to East Zhejiang, which of the above methods would they choose to manage their industries? What kind of impacts would this have on the local aborigines’ economic activities? In this regard, according to the article "Economic Development in East Zhejiang from the Third to the Sixth Century" of Liu (1992, p. 236), she believes that:
As for the northern clans possessing fields in East Zhejiang, they are mainly engaged in economic activities including commerce, manufacturing, and transportation, which can reduce their conflicts with the Kuaiji clan keen on land management to some extent. Meanwhile, the transportation and sales of agricultural products in family idyllic villas of many branches in Kuaiji made it necessary to rely on the operation of the store and the transportation industry. Therefore, there is even a possibility of economic cooperation between northern clans and indigenous clans.
Due to their distance from Jiankang, the native surnames, that had previously helped Sun Wu build Jiangdong during the Jin and Jin Dynasties, had a distinct disparity in political influence. However, Kuaiji was comparable and evenly matched to Wujun, Yixing, Wuxing and other places solely in terms of clan power. As an illustration, the second year of training (324A D) in the Eastern Jin, the army of Wuxing tribes laid siege to Jiankang, but soon defeated by Yu tan, who was came from the the Yu clan in Kuaiji (FANG, 1974, p. 2013). Thus, the northern gentry’s settlement to the Kuaiji area would be encountered large resistance from the local clans. Therefore, it was necessary to further study the strengths and weaknesses of these factors.
When losing their rural foundation, the northern gentries’ only economic advantage was to possess a large amount of monetary capital, which was related to the fact that the Western Jin Dynasty pursued the policy of no currency and long-term deflation; so the currency fetishism in the ruling class, that is, the social phenomenon of fanatical worship and pursuit for currency wealth, became more and more intense (ZHAO, 1983, p. 60). Moreover, even after Southward migration in the years of Yongjia, this trend of accumulating currencies and goods continued to be unabated. For example, as the northern gentries’ leader, Wang Dao had millions of coins (FANG, 1974, p. 1754); as an immigrant gentry in east Zhejiang, Chi Yin amassed tens of millions of coins (FANG, 1974, p. 1803). Therefore, compared to the strength of indigenous clans, the northern gentries’ leaving from their hometowns should be more concerned about making good use of currencies in their hands as much as possible to achieve their colonization and commercialization to the greatest extent.
The rise of the local cash economy led to the implicit agreement between the northern gentries from East Zhejiang and the indigenous gentries in industrial operations. It was better to say that the business exchanges, between the two, have just created an industrial structure with complementary advantages. Because of that, Kong Linzhi, Yan Jun and He Shangzhi, who invariably attached importance to the function of currencies as a means of circulation in the currency system debate, had a deep understanding of chaos about currencies since the end of the Han Dynasty.
Finally, the dispute over the monetary system in the Eastern and Southern Dynasties reflects the gradual collapse of the industrial economic model of "[…] cooperation between the overseas Chinese and the old Chinese nobility" in East Zhejiang. The rise of poor merchants has made the local gentry anxious and crisis-prone. The south-east dispute over the monetary system was largely an "internal conflict within the ruling group", which represented the fundamental interests of the ruling class. Such contradictions would be gradually weakened with the group’s continuous integration. In contrast, the continuous development of the commercial economy in East Zhejiang pushed the general commercial class to become stronger and stronger, thus intensifying the conflict between the upper class and the general commercial class and becoming the main conflict in the economy and society for a while.
At the end of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, after attacking Jiankang and killing Sima Daozi, the duke of Kuaiji, Huan Xuan, as the governor of Jingzhou was strongly supported by the senior clans from the northern gentry in his series of actions, such as controlling the government and even usurping the throne to establish the Chu, which just reflected the reality of their increasingly decline (ZHU, 1985, p. 75). Note that these clansmen’s decline was manifested in politics, militaries and economies. Like the Western Jin Dynasty, the Eastern Jin Dynasty also pursued the policy of not minting currencies. As a result, the deflation, which lasted for more than 160 years, was enough to make the northern gentry, who were greedy for pleasure and poor in business, lose their original currency advantages and fall into economic difficulties.
In contrast, the Kuaiji native surnames’ geographical disadvantage, such as the Kong clan in Shanyin, made them have poor opportunities to be officials. Thus, a considerable number of people chose to return to their villages and concentrated on managing their industries to increase their wealth after being frustrated in their careers, but there is not much success after all.
It is quite interesting that discussion on different topics, which were developed by Kong Linzhi, He Shangzhi, Yan Jun, et al., all regarded traders, rich people or wealthy businessmen, as the targets of criticism as well as the speculators in the currency reform. This combined with the fact that the Southern Dynasties reversed the normal state of restraining commerce in the previous dynasties and adopted supportive policies (ZHANG, 1990, p. 16). Thus we could obtain at least two points of information from the above contents. First, from the late Eastern Jin Dynasty to the early Liu Song period, there was a large number of merchants in the non-noble class, who were called "common people (寒人)". Second, the merchants’ emerging groups gradually dominating the commodity trading activities at that time Therefore, the monetary economy controlled by the gentry was affected.
From the perspective of the Kuaiji area alone, there are many famous "common people (寒人)". For example, Guo Pingyuan got rich by growing melons (SHENG, 1974, p. 2245); Dai Faxing was famous for trafficking cambric (SHENG, 1974, p. 2303). They made every effort to enter the official career and seek political refuge and help in order to reap more economic benefits. The following are the two main approaches: the first one is to contest the rights of the nobility by interfering with official selection by the use of financial means. This is how Dai Faxing shut down his company and entered politics. After being given a key position by the emperor, he utlized his position of authority to amass a sizable sum of money. The second is to become disciples and donors, who are dependent on princes and dignitaries. Many wealthy businessmen chose to surrender without hesitation and even donated a considerable part of their money and goods to dignitaries to evade taxes and services and obtain various conveniences for their business activities under the guise of these benefactors' name and privileges (TANG, 2000, p. 555). In Debate 7, someone proposed to coin Erzhu coins (二铢钱), but Yan Jun firmly opposed it. It seems probable that "Someone" was the representative of "common people (寒人)".
CONCLUSIONS
In a word, the economic development of east Zhejiang, in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, largely benefited from the continuous collision and interaction between northern scholars and indigenous aristocratic families. Later, with the rise of "common people (寒人)", it evolved into the conflict between immigrant scholars, indigenous families and lower classes, which further promoted the economic prosperity of east Zhejiang. Before the middle of the fifth century, both the indigenous aristocratic families and northern scholars put forward unique monetary theories to protect their economic interests to the greatest extent. Therefore, these issues were often closely related to the price situation, the levying of servings and so on in east Zhejiang. After the middle of the fifth century, the rapid wealth increase of "common people (寒人)" impacted the scholars’ leading economic position, which motivated immigrant gentries and indigenous gentries’ suffering consciousness and boycott. Thus, the interest disputes of both sides were presented to the court, leading to a new round of monetary theory and policy thought debate.
A RELAÇÃO ENTRE O DEBATE SOBRE O SISTEMA MONETÁRIO DURANTE O JIN ORIENTAL E AS DINASTIAS DO SUL E A REGIÃO ECONÔMICA DE ZHEJIANG LESTE
Resumo: Não apenas as famílias aristocráticas indígenas, mas também as famílias de imigrantes do norte que viviam no Leste de Zhejiang, estavam envolvidas nos debates sobre teoria monetária e pensamento político, na Dinastia Jin Oriental e Dinastias do Sul. Os debates geralmente se concentravam nos preços das commodities e no trabalho forçado no Leste de Zhejiang. Esse fenômeno histórico especial reflete duas questões. Por um lado, o caos causado pela guerra no Norte e as famílias de estudiosos, migrando para o Sul, promoveram muito o desenvolvimento do Sul da China, o que tornou os cinco condados do leste de Zhejiang as áreas mais importantes e ativas da economia. Por outro lado, reflete as mudanças de relacionamento entre imigrantes e nobres indígenas. Ou seja, as famílias aristocráticas indígenas e as famílias imigrantes do Norte cooperaram na economia para aumentar a prosperidade e o desenvolvimento do Leste de Zhejiang. Mais tarde, com o surgimento de “povo comum (寒人)”, o status econômico dos estudiosos foi cada vez mais impactado, o que resultou em ansiedade e consciência de crise dos nobres.
Palavras-chave: Dinastia Jin Oriental e Dinastias do Sul. Debate sobre o sistema monetário. Leste de Zhejiang.
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Received: 27/07/2022
Approved: 13/10/22
COMMENT ON “THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE DEBATE ON THE MONETARY SYSTEM DURING THE EASTERN JIN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES AND EAST ZHEJIANG ECONOMIC REGION”
Commented Article: YANG, Yi; TONG, Jie; CHAN, Zhou. The relationship between the debate on the monetary system during the eastern Jin and southern dynasties and east Zhejiang economic region. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 349- 360, 2023.
In recent years, there have been studies on the currency system controversy in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. In fact, during the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the monetary economy was underdeveloped, showing a retrogression compared with the Qin and Han Dynasties. The use and circulation of metal currency are becoming less and less, gold has almost withdrawn from the circulation field and the use rate of a copper currency is not high. So the exchange value of the currency has not been brought into play. However, Yang, Tong and Chan (2023, p. 353) put forward that
[the] ideological debate on monetary theories and policies during Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties has a profound regional economic and cultural background of Zedong. This is not only the result of the five central counties of Zhedong as one of the most important and active regional economies at that time but also the result of the attention of the central high-level officials. Meanwhile, it reflects that the local relationship between immigrants and original inhabitants and monetary economy interactions influences the historical process.
Based on an examination of the features of casting, issuing and circulation, the usage of currency under the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties was highly disorganized. The monetary thought merits continued consideration and has made significant contributions. A group of commentators insisted on and developed the use of money as currency and opposed the use of grain and silk as waste money. It adhered to and developed the concept of combating the devaluation of coinage and inflation. It also adhered to the notion that the state monopolizes the coinage right and preserves the unity of coinage. At that time, the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties were the primary centers of currency theory debate. It was closely related to the “East Zhejiang” area at that time, namely Kuaiji, Dongyang, Xin’an, Linhai, Yongjia, and five other counties located in the area south of Qiantang River, in Zhejiang Province.
1 REASONS FOR THE PREVALENCE OF GOODS IN THE EASTERN JIN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES
Social unrest caused the decline of agriculture, handicrafts and commerce. Money is a direct response to the commodity economy, and the emergence and development of money functions are compatible with the circulation of goods. Various functions of money have also emerged in the development of commodity circulation. In the last years of the Eastern Han Dynasty, due to the frequent outbreak of wars, the agriculture and handicraft industries were seriously affected. It resulted in the lag of the commodity economy. The survival basis of currency, as the symbol of the commodity economy, was seriously weakened. So metal currency seems less important. During the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, due to the pressure of confrontation between the North and the South, social unrest and unrest, the internal contradictions of the ruling class were very fierce, and the commodity economy did not develop by leaps and bounds. The self-sufficient natural economy has a large proportion. The market connection has been interrupted, the market of the commodity economy has shrunk, and the monetary economy has withered seriously (HE, 2019, p. 2591).
Under normal conditions, money should first satisfy the needs of the commodity circulation field. Due to the inadequacy of products under Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, administrators hid scarce money rather than putting it into circulation. Nonetheless, the policy of the government of increasing taxes has directly generated a shortage of cash and impeded the circulation of money. According to this circumstance, the credit of coins is diminished, the money is in disarray, and the value scale and circulation methods of currency cannot be utilized without difficulty. People utilized goods such as grain and textiles as cash, and at the time, there was a thriving physical currency market.
2 The Time Background of “East Zhejiang” Monetary Thought
The reason why the eastern Zhejiang region became the birthplace of the monetary ideas of Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties was that it had a direct relationship with Jiankang, the capital of the Jiangzuo regime, which greatly promoted the economic development of the surrounding areas, especially the commercial prosperity (LIU, 2019, p. 236). The Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties were an important period for the development of the area south of the Yangtze River in China. As the capital, Jiankang developed rapidly. As far as the city size is concerned, the number of Jiankang households reached 280000 in the Liang Dynasty. Hence, the huge urban population drove the corresponding consumer demand, and various commercial activities gradually flourished. Secondly, the economic interaction and cooperation between the aboriginal big family names and the northern gentry in eastern Zhejiang, during Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, were the realistic basis for the rise and development of the local currency thought. When the northern gentry lost their rural foundation, their only economic advantage was to have a large amount of monetary capital.
This is related to the fact that the Western Jin Dynasty pursued the policy of no coinage and long-term deflation, which led to the increasing social phenomenon of money fetishism in the ruling class, namely, passionate worship and pursuit of monetary wealth. Thirdly, the currency system controversy in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties reflected the gradual collapse of the industrial economic model of “cooperation between overseas Chinese and the old” in eastern Zhejiang, the growing rise of poor businessmen, and the sense of hardship and crisis generated by the local gentry.
3 The Use of Goods Coins in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties
According to Marxist philosophy, money has five functions; namely, value scale, means of flow, means of storage, means of payment and world currency. In Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, the main reason the real object could replace the currency qualification was that it could be widely used and play its due role in currency circulation.
First, let us see the function of the value scale. The value scale of money is the function of money to represent all other commodities. As a measure of value, money can express the value of all commodities as the quantity of the same name, making them the same in terms of quality. The comparison in terms of quantity presents the function of the monetary value scale (TANG, 2000, p. 555). During Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, the physical currency had these functions. Both official and private commodity trading markets were computerized with cloth and silk and became a medium of exchange.
Second, the function of circulation means. During Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, grain, silk and millet cloth were always important means of circulation. Due to the difference in physical currency in the communication among regions, the physical currency has great limitations in commodity exchange between regions. The function of circulation means of physical money is severely restricted, resulting in the limited quantity and scope of commodity exchange and hindering the development of the commodity economy.
Third, the purpose of storage devices. During Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, physical goods served as currency and represented social prosperity. As a result of the fact that people no longer hold tangible items to accommodate various necessary payments, but rather to maintain value and accumulate wealth, the previous monetary pattern has been broken. Lastly, it demonstrates that emperors and nobles’ both the national and private treasures include an abundance of actual goods.
Fourth, the function of the means of payment. In Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, the function of the means of payment of physical currency was mainly to pay debts, taxes, salaries, rewards, gifts, bribes and rewards. As a kind of currency, it has different functions from general goods and physical status (YANG, 2015, p. 72). The key lies in whether these objects themselves can play the role of means of payment. Gifts, rewards, bribes and other acts involve physical objects, and money, which has become a means of payment. From the perspective of debt payment, it has developed to pay wages, rent and taxes. The bonus payment is the same as the salary in the form.
Therefore, the development level of the commodity economy in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties reflected the development of the historical environment and productivity level at that time. Among all kinds of contradictions, in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, when agriculture, handicrafts and commodity economy were underdeveloped, it was a historical necessity that physical objects acted as currency. What, in a certain extent, assumed the function of a currency, reduced the losses that people suffered when metal goods failed to play their due role, and was conducive to the people’s livelihood and the recovery and development of the social economy.
In short, the currency system debate in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties had a profound regional economic and cultural background; that is, whether they were the participants in the dispute or the arguments and focus of the dispute, they were all closely related to the five counties in Zhedong with Kuaiji as the center. In this respect, the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties were on the left side of the Nujiang River. Zhedong quickly developed into one of the most important and active regional economies at that time, with the high-level attention of the central government. On the other hand, Zedong, as the residence of many northern nobilities, reflected the tortuous historical process that the surging relationship between overseas Chinese and old nobilities affected the monetary economy.
References
HE, C. Song Annals. State and County Records, v. 35, p. 1029, 2019.
HUAN XUAN. The Book of Jin, v. 99, p. 2591-2603, 2019.
LIU, S. F. Economic Development in Eastern Zhejiang from the Third to the Sixth Century. Cities and Society in the Six Dynasties, v. 2, p. 236-239, 2019.
TANG, C. R. The Rise of the Cold People in the Southern Dynasties, Zai, Continuation of the History of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education, 2000. p. 555-556.
YANG, E. Y. An Examination and Identification of the “Three Wus” in Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties. Journal of Tsinghua University, n. 4, p. 72-80, 2015.
YANG, Y.; TONG, J.; CHAN, Z. The relationship between the debate on the monetary system during the eastern Jin and southern dynasties and east Zhejiang economic region. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 349- 360, 2023.
Received: 17/12/2022
Approved: 20/12/2022
Ansai peasant paintings: inheritance of chinese primitive culture and primitive philosophy
Abstract: Chinese primitive philosophy, as the unity of cosmological ontology, epistemology and methodology of the Chinese philosophical system, is a complete and mature philosophical system formed in the late primitive society as early as before the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties. It is also the unity of the concept of Yin and Yang and constant life that is sublimated from the human-beings’ basic cultural consciousness: life consciousness and reproduction consciousness. The Chinese primitive culture, from the painted pottery culture 7,000 years ago to today, from the underground archaeological culture to the group culture on the ground, is a plastic art based on the concept of viewing objects and taking images. It is a broad concept of fine arts that determines the philosophical view, artistic view, emotional temperament, psychological quality and national spirit of the Chinese nation. The most primitive culture and primitive philosophy in China have been preserved with extremely rich and complete historical remains in the group's cultural and social life. It is for this reason that China is the only country with an ancient history of civilization that has not experienced a cultural break. The primitive culture and philosophical system of China, as the philosophical basis and main connotation of ethnic group culture, are completely accumulated in the ethnic groups’ social life. Folk art, which has accumulated the hundreds of millions of working masses’ wisdom in China, is the mother of the Chinese national culture and art that has been inherited from primitive society until today with distinct national and regional characteristics. It is a long-standing cultural form with the longest history, the widest mass participation, the most distinct regional characteristics and the richest cultural connotation in the Chinese national cultural form. The rapid development of the times makes the traditional folk customs and folk arts, which are generally deposited in the rural areas of China, become precarious. As a result, the research advantages of the unique human culture and the original culture of China will cease to exist. Therefore, it is an urgent historical task to make use of this advantage to study the original culture of China and the philosophical genes of the Chinese nation. Protection is imminent, and inheritance is the historical mission, which highlights the deeper significance of studying primitive culture and primitive philosophy in modern society.
Keywords: Ansai peasant paintings. Life consciousness. Harmony of Yin and Yang. Five elements and eight diagrams.
INTRODUCTION
Chinese folk art, with diverse styles and rich contents, is not only the artistic carrier of ethnic group life, folk activities-, and folk ideas. But it is also the implicit expression of the concept of interaction between Yin and Yang, survival and reproduction of all things based on the worship of life and reproduction in Chinese primitive philosophy, which has become the expression of group ideology. The Ansai peasant paintings created by rural laboring women have a wide range of masses and distinctive ethnic and regional characteristics. Its artistic form and cultural connotation are derived from the ethnic groups’ culture and art. In addition, they keep the original chaotic thinking mode and collective unconscious inheritance to the maximum extent. Its philosophical foundation of it comes from the primitive philosophy of the concept of Yin and Yang and continued life. As also the resulting theories of unity of man and nature and identity of object and self. The unique artistic expressions, such as modeling concepts and coloring concepts derived from it, are the condensed crystallization of Chinese primitive culture and primitive philosophy.
The pursuit of life is the motive force of human artistic creation, which revolves around the primitive aesthetic psychology and the taste that sprouted from the admiration and protection of life and the ancestor worship and reproduction. It has continued from ancient times to civilized times. Ansai peasants, who put their adoration, love, and awe of life, nature, and universe deities in their paintings above the objective things, dare to violate the laws of facts, exaggerate and transform them, and endow the objects with mysterious supernatural power, thus creating unique artistic language and modeling mode.
Women from Ansai peasant families drew lines with ink and painted their own paintings. They describe flying birds that are singing, laughing flowers and dancing trees, industrious people and flourishing livestock, rising dragons and leaping tigers, which are the praises of life and a brand-new world where people and nature coexist harmoniously. Peasants use simple artistic style, warm colors, eclectic forms of expression and pay attention to intentional expression and emotional expression to express their sincere and simple emotions. They express what they have seen, heard, and thought in their production and life with simple and naive painting techniques and loud colors. They also depict their desire and pursuit for a better life with intense colors and exaggerated shapes, and release their passion for life. In contrast to the Chinese literati's pursuit of "emptiness," "charm," and "artistic conception," the aesthetic consciousness of peasant paintings often embodies the most vigorous and vivid life tension. It reflects the most primitive, hottest, and sincere life consciousness.
1 ARTISTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF ANSAI PEASANT PAINTINGS
The Loess Plateau in northern Shaanxi, as one of the birthplaces of Chinese civilization, has extremely ancient and rich cultural relics. According to the results of the third national cultural relics survey, Ansai investigated and registered 549 cultural relics and 370 ancient cultural sites, including Yangshao Cultural Site and Longshan Cultural Site. So many ancient cultural sites are concentrated. This shows that the natural conditions in this area were suitable for the ancestors. In Asia, there are many cultural sites of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, a large number of Han tombs, and more than a dozen Buddhist grottoes left over from the Northern Wei Dynasty and the Tang and Song Dynasties. They show that, before the Tang and Song Dynasties, there were many exchanges with foreign cultures, including Buddhism. Later, due to the destruction of vegetation, water and soil erosion, it evolved into the Liang Mao landform, which gradually brought traffic jams. As a result, the local culture developed and brewed in a relatively closed way on the basis of maintaining the culture before the Tang and Song Dynasties, thus retaining the extremely deep land of original culture of China. Hence, its folk art retains the vigorous life, overall strength and momentum of a strong feudal society. The influence of Neolithic painted pottery, rock paintings, Han Dynasty stone portraits, Tang and song carvings, and paintings can be reflected in local folk art.
For example, the paper cut works of Ansai and Luochuan have preserved the totem arts of primitive society. The five hand-in-hand Gods of Five Orientations, as manifested in Dolls Holding Hands (Figure 1), have similar ornamentation to the Majiayao-type painted pottery basin with dancing figures (Figure 2) unearthed in Shangsunjiazhai, Datong and Qinghai. The Five Gods are five male dolls with round heads and tied hair holding hands. The painted pottery basin with dance figures depicts three groups of small figures holding hands on the inner wall near the basin mouth. Each group of five ones with headdresses and tail ornaments. The Cattle Ploughing by Bai Fenglan (Figure 3) depicts a big tree growing out of the body of a cattle, with the crown of a deer head and outwardly expanding and derived antlers, which is extremely similar to the Ploughing Drawing (Figure 4) of the Han Dynasty. This is a stone relief unearthed in Suide, which also shows the antler shape outwardly expanded from the cattle.
Figure 1 - Gods of Five Orientations manifested in "Dolls Holding Hands" in the folk paper cutting
(JIN, 2001, p. 29).
Figure 2 - Majiayao-type painted pottery basin with dancing figures
(JIN, 2001, p. 150).
Figure 3 - Paper cutting "Cattle Ploughing" by Bai Fenglan
 |
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 48).
In addition, the theme and composition of Ansai folk art are deeply influenced by the stone reliefs of the Han Dynasty. Bai Fenglan has a paper cut work, the "Cattle Ploughing" (Figure 3). It depicts a big tree growing out of the body of a cow. The big tree has a crown, which one is composed of a deer head and antlers that expand and grow outward. The used technique of expression is extremely similar to the Han Dynasty portrait stone carving art unearthed in Northern Shaanxi, which is considered a totem pattern in the Longshan culture period. It provides a basis to study the inheritance of Chinese traditional culture and Northern Shaanxi culture. In the Eastern Han Tombstone Sculpture "Ploughing Drawing" (Figure 4) unearthed in Suide, the sculpted picture also shows the shape of cattle and antlers that expand and grow outward.
Stone reliefs in the Han Dynasty are concise and general in composition. The objects to be expressed are vividly represented by silhouette, which has a high contrast effect between black and white and shows a great influence on Ansai peasant paintings. Simplicity, boldness and great contrast are the unique styles of Ansai peasant paintings (FANG, 2003, p. 122). As mentioned above, by comparing the patterns of Bai Fenglan's "Cattle Ploughing" with the stone reliefs of the same theme, it is found that there are many similarities in both composition and black-and-white contrast methods.
Figure 4 - Han Dynasty painted brick “Ploughing Drawing”
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 49).
Ansai peasant paintings are folk art forms that reflect contemporary real life with traditional folk styles, embody ancient traditions and rich life flavor. They have distinct national and regional characteristics. They were developed in northern Shaanxi in the 1970s by integrating numerous folk art forms such as paper cutting, embroidery, cloth art, dough modeling, cabinet paintings, Kang Wei Painting, and others. The Ansai farmer painters who have lived in the loess plateau of northern Shaanxi for generations took root in the deep soil where they lived and expressed their ideas and emotions in their paintings. As an unconscious creation, Ansai peasant paintings put together the language, life and desire of peasants. They are full of local metaphors and obscure folk meanings. Those paintings contain rich and profound philosophical connotations and are the inheritance and continuation of Chinese primitive culture and philosophy from the primitive society to today.
Through painting, the rural women, who have mainly created Ansai peasant paintings, have added a lot of warm atmosphere to their monotonous life. They have found a spiritual world where they can place their emotions and display their talents, making their life rich and interesting. It is worth mentioning that Ansai farmers' paintings are almost derived from t paper cut art (FANG, 2003, p. 128). In painting, farmers first cut out various patterns with paper and put them into the composition. Then they use a pencil to copy them onto the paper and then outline them. Finally, they carry out decoration and color setting. With the image and composition like paper cut symbols, the customs, scenery and amorous feelings of rural life scenes are depicted and expressed in an approximate horizontal way.
Primitive totem taste, distinctive appeal and strong, abstract and exaggerated modeling are all characteristics of Ansai peasant paintings. Modeling-wise, the shape is simple and childlike, emphasizing physical characteristics and brimming with life. The pursuit of reproducing the real image and secular ideal is characterized by the pursuit of the entire block surface, which is primarily shaped by wide and thick lines and blocks, with rough and bold style, concise lines and extremely decorative features. In terms of composition, they pursue fullness and richness. They also pay attention to perfection and aesthetics, which are manifested by many and small characters, complete and scattered scenic spots, lack of perspective in composition and logical relationship between characters and scenery, things and things, with full pictures and straightforward images. Most of the paintings show the pursuit of a better life and good fortune and they are ideal, meaningful, general and sentimental. Artistically, they are highly subjective and free in personality. Everything in the world can appear, change and combine at will in the works, showing rich forms and diverse styles, reflecting the unique aesthetic characteristics of simplicity, purity, roughness, primitiveness, and truthfulness in the Loess Plateau of northern Shaanxi (MA, 2011, p. 127).
Ansai peasant painters actively applied the local culture to the painting art to express their unique composition, color, and rich aesthetic consciousness, thus forming their own style. It is really a new flower of ancient folk art.
2 THE CHINESE PRIMITIVE PHILOSOPHY EMBODIED IN ANcient peasant PAINTINGS
The concept of modeling art is determined by the concept of art, which is determined by the concept of philosophy, thus forming a complete art system in which the concept of philosophy plays a decisive role.
"Where do people come from, and where do they go?" This is a philosophical proposition inherent in human beings. The primitive philosophy first revolved around the question "where do people come from?" Ancestors came to the conclusion that "men and women mingle with each other to nurture everything and create everything" from the phenomenon of human heterosexual communication and the birth of new life, which produced the philosophical concept of Yin and Yang: the answer to the origin of life extracted from reproductive worship.
In the philosophical system created by human ancestors, the concept of Yin and Yang and the concept of incessant life, with the connotation of "the combination of Yin and Yang and the endless life of all things," constitute the core of original Chinese thought. This one runs through the system of Yin and Yang, Eight Trigrams and Five Elements, that represent the historical concept of the human beings’ ancestor. It also contains the concept of reproductive worship of the mother of all things (ZENG, 2019, p. 8).
Yin-Yang Eight Trigrams, as the original philosophical system of the cultural basis of the Chinese nation, originated from the Neolithic Age, in the primitive society, and are a great creation of the Chinese nation. Ancient ideologists used the concepts of "Yin" and "Yang" to explain the two opposing and mutually increasing material forces in nature when they saw that all phenomena had both positive and negative aspects. "Dao contains one Yin and one Yang." (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 259). "Therefore, in (the system of) the Yi, there is the Grand Terminus, which produced the two elementary Forms. Those two forms produced the four emblematic symbols, which again produced the eight Trigrams." (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 277). In the Book of Changes, the alternation of Yin and Yang is regarded as the fundamental law of the operation of the universe. It is considered that the primordial universe is the Grand Terminus, which is divided into two parts, namely Yang and Yin, which are called two instruments and are represented by "one" and "—" (namely, Yang trigram and Yintrigram). The two forms are further divided into four states, namely Taiyin, Taiyang, Shaolin and Shaoyang. They are further divided into eight trigrams, namely, Qian, Kun, Zhen, Xun, Kan, Li, Gen and Dui, which represent heaven, earth, thunder, wind, fire, water, mountain and river, respectively, whose core is Yin and Yang, namely, Kun and Qian Trigrams. The Eight Diagrams result from the seeing how things change and advance. Through observation of themselves, the reproduction of various animals and plants around them, the movement of the heavens, the earth, the sun, the moon, the cycle of the climatic seasons, the long-term observation and study of various relative concepts, orientations, the relationship between images and numbers, humans in ancient times gradually developed a philosophical system that included all-natural sciences. There is a vivid description of this in the Xicizhuan:
In ancient times, when Fu Xi ruled the world, he looked up to observe the celestial phenomena, bent down to observe the terrain, and observed the patterns of birds and animals, which were suitable for the earth, close to himself, and far from all things, so he began to create the Eight Diagrams, in order to understand the virtue of the gods, and to compare the situation of all things. (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 284).
Similarly, Lao Tzu said Tao is unique. Tao itself contains Yin and Yang. Yin and Yang intersect to form a state of harmony in which all things are born. All things are either shaded or exposed to the sun, and a new harmonious body is formed by the interaction of Yin and Yang". (LIU, 2021, p. 227). The idea that Yin and Yang are separated by chaos, that Yin and Yang are combined to produce all things, and that all things are endless is a generalization of the primitive system of Chinese philosophy and has become the central axis of the development of the whole Chinese nation. "Dao contains one Yin and one Yang," the fundamental law that Yin and Yang mutually generate all things in the universe, is also the fundamental law of art and aesthetics. (ZENG, 2019, p. 11). From primitive times to the present-day Ansai peasant paintings, the concept of Yin and Yang eight trigrams has always been the philosophical basis of folk art modeling.
Our ancestors have long recognized the relationship between the five elements, Yin and Yang, and human life in exploring the relationship between heaven and man and the changes of ancient and modern times. So, the idea of the unity of heaven and man began to sprout (LIU, 2004, p. 69). If the concept of Yin and Yang is mainly derived from the ancient ancestors' understanding of the reproduction of living things, then the concept of the five elements is mainly derived from their classification of the substances in the world. Our ancestors lived in the Loess Plateau of the Central Plains, which belongs to the North Temperate Zone, for a long time. Thus, what they saw in the four seasons were "many easterly winds in spring when vegetation recovers and everything is renewed; southerly winds in summer, with scorching sun and long days; westerly winds in autumn with withered plants and trees, and clear sky and crisp air; northerly winds in winter with short days and cold weather." Therefore, in the concept of five elements, these natural phenomena are summarized as four seasons (spring, summer, autumn and winter), five materials (wood, fire, water, and soil), five orientations (east, south, west, north and middle) and five colors (green, red, white, black and yellow). According to Shang Shu·Hong Fan, the starting point and basic point for exploring the origin of the five elements (JIN, 2017, p. 22):
Ji Zi said: "The most important are five elements, water, fire, wood, metal, and earth. Water is characterized by moistening and downward flowing, fire is characterized by flaring up, wood is characterized by growing freely and peripherally, metal characterized by clearing and changing, and earth is characterized by sowing and reaping, corresponding to salty, bitter, sour, pungent, and sweet. The "five things" refer to attitude, speech, vision, hearing and thought. In other words, we should be respectful in appearance and attitude, follow good advice in speech, be keen and thorough in observation, correct in discrimination and prudent in thinking. People who have a respectful attitude towards their subjects are serious, while those who speak properly will live in good order. Those who observe clearly will not be blinded. Those who hear wisely will be able to judge correctly, and those who think wisely will be wise." (JIN, 2017, p.22)
Dong Zhongshu generalized the original worldview of Yin and Yang and the five elements as "Qi of heaven and earth combined into one, divided into Yin and Yang, divided into four seasons and classified as five elements" and put forward the theory of "Yin and Yang upcycling" of the periodic cycle. According to Origin of Chinese Characters, five means five elements (XU, 1988, p.738). Therefore, the "cross" symbol is an image of five elements, which is composed of the orientation concept of four symbols - four states - five orientations plus the meaning of the smooth passage, and its double-hook cross is the figure of the road. The five orientations are not only the concept of direction but also a cultural system. Black Tortoise, Vermilion Bird, White Tiger, and Azure Dragon, which are taken from the symbols of the four states, not only stipulate the animal image, but also stipulate their own different colors, each of which is endowed with the corresponding symbolic meaning of the five elements. The original philosophical thoughts of the unity of man and nature, Yin and Yang, and five elements are the human beings’ spiritual power in the process of adapting to nature, and also the basic rules of folk art modeling and color use.
The foundational concepts of Chinese philosophy include the theory of the eight trigrams, the five elements and Yin and Yang. They are profoundly ingrained in Chinese culture and serve as the general framework to comprehend everything that exists in the cosmos. The universe, the planet and society are all marked with Yin and Yang, creating a vast and distinct system of Yin and Yang that goes through the evolution of Chinese history and culture from the time of prehistoric society to the present.
Although each stage of the development of Chinese history shows relatively different cultural forms with the characteristics of the times, they are absolutely unchanged as the core of cultural genes. Human heredity depends on the inheritance of genetic genes, i.e., the inheritance of genetic units that exist in cells and have the ability to reproduce themselves. Similarly, the inheritance of human cultures depends on the inheritance of national cultural genes, i.e., the inheritance of national primitive culture and primitive philosophy. Ansai peasant paintings embody this inheritance, that is, a complete artistic system that is centered on the worship of life and reproduction, determined by the primitive Chinese philosophy of Yin and Yang and unified with the theme of ideas, the modeling of ideas and the colors of ideas.
3 CONCEPTUAL THEMES ROOTED IN CHINESE PRIMITIVE CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY
Survival and reproduction are the instincts of all creatures, which can be passed down from generation to generation through the combination of Yin and Yang. As a culturally conscious human being, it is the most basic cultural consciousness and the most basic human desire to survive and reproduce. Reproduction worship, as a legacy of primitive social thought and culture, makes it natural for Chinese primitive culture and philosophy to discuss life problems from reproduction. Hegel (1997, p. 56) said: "[…] a basic concept running through the history of the origin of these arts is not the concept of spiritual creation, but the description of natural reproduction." The Book of Changes says: "The greatest kindness of the heavens and the earth is to provide an endless environment for the universe and mankind so that all kinds of life can take their place and settle down." (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 281). The Book of Changes puts Yin and Yang into the heaven and the earth, believing that heaven and earth are living organisms full of vigor and vitality, and they can sympathetically incarnate and nurture life, that is, "The combination of Yin and Yang gives birth to all things, which is similar to the combination of men and women." In the Book of Changes, the life systems of the universe are compared to the men and women’s reproductive experiences (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 294). Guo Moruo (1964, p. 26) thought that, in the Book of Changes, the Yin hexagram (one—) symbolizes female pudendum and the Yang hexagram (—) symbolizes male genitalia. According to Xicizhuan:
Both heaven and earth contain the two attributes of movement and stillness. The six strokes of the Qian Diagram are all Yang, pure Yang, and vigorous. When it is still and unchanging, it is single-minded and has nothing else. When it is moving and changing, it is straight and does not inflexible, so the vast universe is created. The six strokes of the Kun Diagram are all Yin, supple and sincere. When it is still and unchanging, it converges and hides deeply. When it is moving and changing, it spreads widely. Therefore, the vast universe is formed from this. (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 262).
They refer to male and female genitals, respectively. As the philosophical basis and basic cultural connotation of Ansai peasant paintings, the original Chinese philosophy of harmony between Yin and Yang, which generates all things, and the endless life of everything, is the core of human life consciousness and reproduction consciousness. In other words, the harmony between Yin and Yang can multiply human beings’ all things. And human beings’ all things can live forever. This is a philosophical conclusion drawn by the ancestors of the Chinese nation who "takes abnormal changes in one's body and surroundings to make large and small situation judgments and result in predictions" by observing human beings themselves and everything in the universe. Therefore, the themes of Ansai peasant paintings are determined as wishes for reproduction, good health and long life, as well as celebration of life.
The adoration of this archaic Yin-Yang concept and replication are reflected in the theme of Ansai peasant paintings. Here, the idea that "the sin of not having offspring is the biggest among the three examples of unfilial" is still prevalent, and the continuation of life has taken on a central role in people's daily lives. A key indicator of whether Ansai peasant households and individuals have survival value and significance is whether or not they are able to bear children. The most prevalent and significant themes in Ansai peasant paintings, which also include Yin and Yang harmony, having offspring and heirs, and everlasting flow, are hence the praise and blessing of the reproduction of life. In the process of creation, Ansai peasant painters would choose some animal images with strong reproduction ability, such as mice, fish, and multiseed plants such as gourd, pumpkin, grape, pomegranate, etc., and take the maternal image of their reproduction of human beings as a symbol of women's fertility. They even chose some images that symbolize the happiness of the couple, such as cormorants and butterflies, which are happy and harmonious, waiting for their children to reproduce. In Magpies by Gao Jin'ai (Figure 5), there are many magpies flying up and down around the tree, and the magpie nest on the tree is also painted in the shape of a big pomegranate. Instead of pomegranate seeds, a big magpie and several small magpies are painted in the middle of the pomegranate. This fruit is a symbol of having many children. It does not express only the beautiful implication, but it also has the taste of reproduction worship, which is quite symbolic.
Figure 5 - "Magpies" by Gao Jin’ai
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 6).
For example, the gourd, the most common image in Ansai peasant paintings, is obviously the remains of female reproductive worship in a matriarchal society. The gourd has three meanings in folk art creation: first, there are many seeds in the gourd, which means many children and grandchildren. Second, the gourd symbolizes the mother of life. Third, the vines are covered with large gourds and small gourds, which is a metaphor for the numerous and endless descendants. The Chinese nation has a tradition of worshipping gourds. Liu Yaohan (1983, p. 136) wrote in the article “The Primitive Gourd Culture of the Chinese Nation” about "Gourd Worship" that "[…] there are many melons, large and small, on a continuous vine like people's descendants." means that the ancestors of the Chinese nation originally came from the common mother-gourd, which has lasted for generations and multiplied for generations. In fact, the gourd is regarded as the combined ancestor god of the intersection of Yin and Yang between men and women, which is integrated into one and divided into two halves: one for male and the other one for female. The intersection of Yin and Yang, between men and women, is called "marriage." Taoism regards gourd as Tai Chi. The idea that Tai Chi is divided into two and combined into one is also derived from the concept of reproduction worship in which men and women intersect and reproduce.
In Ansai peasant paintings, for instance, pieces like "Fish Playing with Lotus," "Fish Biting Lotus," and "Children in Lotus," which allude to the fusion of Yin and Yang, are also men and women’s typical conceptual themes imagined through the close relationship between fish and lotus, and then alluded to in works by concrete and visual methods. The inherent traits of fish and lotuses are used by Ansai peasant painters to contrast fish and lotuses as male and female, respectively. The fish can freely play in the water and bump into the lotus. The lotus bud, blossoms, and bears fruit in the water under the mysterious arrangement of folk collective emotions, creating a particular image that symbolizes the men and women’s scenes from acquaintance to love, conception and childbirth. The basic idea of "fish and many children" is highlighted by Ansai peasant painters as they blend life and nature with vivid and concrete imagination, capturing the enigmatic sensation of reproduction worship.
4 CONCEPTUAL MODELING ROOTED IN CHINESE PRIMITIVE CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY
An important proposition in the Book of Changes is "images abstracting from viewing," taking the images of Yin and Yang of heaven and earth. In Xicizhuan: "The sages want to reveal the mystery of all things in the world, so they draw the images of all things and the divinatory symbols to symbolize all things in the world, so they call them images." (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 266). Song Lian in Ming Dynasty said in the Origin of Literature that: "When did the literati show up? In fact, they first appeared in the era of Father Paoxi, who used the odd and even symbolized Yin and Yang after numerous observations, then accommodated them to circumstances to compile a natural article of heaven and earth." (YE, 1985, p. 64). As the artistic creation principle of Chinese primitive culture, the creative aesthetic method of images abstracting from viewing has a far-reaching influence on the artistic modeling concept of Ansai peasant paintings (ZHANG; ZHANG, 2015, p. 79).
Ansai peasants' concept modeling is often carried out in the form of images abstracting from viewing. "View" means direct observation and direct feeling of external objects. "Abstracting" means refining, summarizing and creating on the basis of view to "achieve mastery through a comprehensive study of the virtue of the gods, to attach importance to the cultivation of heaven and earth, and to compare the situation of all things." (LIU, 2006, p. 237). The theory of eight trigrams endows all things in the world with a fixed nature of Yin and Yang. Ansai peasant paintings focus on the structure, relationship and function related to the concept of Yin and Yang in modeling, showing the philosophical connotation of harmony between Yin and Yang and the five elements of heaven and earth. For example, the corresponding relations, such as "the sky is Yang; the earth is Yin, the sun is Yang, and the moon is Yin", constitute the innate rules of collective consciousness and collective unconsciousness in Ansai peasant paintings.
The Chinese primitive culture, which takes abnormal changes in one's body and surroundings to make large and small situation judgments and result predictions, has become the Ansai peasant painters’ primitive philosophical concept, which regards the sky as the Yang and the earth as the Yin (JI, 2012, p. 174). In Ansai peasant paintings, there are often modeling methods of the combination and mutual infiltration of two different animals spliced into one animal, two different plants spliced into one plant and heterogeneous organisms spliced and combined into a whole image by animals and plants, such as fish with chicken head, fish in the mouth of a chicken, etc. This seemingly casual and reasonable combination reflects the philosophical concepts of Yang and Yin, male and female, the unity of heaven and earth and the unity of Yin and Yang rooted in the original chaotic thinking.
For example, in Ansai peasant painting Snake and Rabbit, the snake symbolizes Yang and male. In contrast, the rabbit symbolizes Yin and female, which embodies the protection and nurturing of the descendants of the reproduction clan. It is an artistic language that expresses the union of heaven and earth and the intercourse between men and women, and an embodiment of reproductive worship too. Based on the philosophy of the relative relationship between male and female and the combination of Yin and Yang to multiply all human beings, the animal combined shapes in pairs are more abundant in Ansai peasant paintings, such as paired fish, deer and birds. All of which represent the concept of Yin and Yang with images abstracting from viewing. In Ansai peasant paintings, there are also double fish, double deer, double bird and other shapes (Figure 6) that rotate around the sky. For example, in the Fish Pond by Bai Fenglan, pairs of animals rotate in opposite directions, which represents the endless symbol of the rotation of heaven and earth It embodies the inheritance of the philosophy that Yin and Yang are in harmony and endless.
Figure 6 - “Fish Pond” by Bai Fenglan
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 52).
The conceptual modeling of Ansai peasant paintings is often carried out in the form of images abstracting from viewing. "Viewing" means directly observing and feeling the external images. “Abstracting” means refining, summarizing and creating on the basis of viewing. In fact, conceptual modeling is not a simple imitation of nature but a subjective creation based on a deep understanding of natural images, which is based on objective objects and keeps a certain distance from them. Therefore, they created according to their own understanding of the inherent form of imagination. Instead of simulating the object, they are familiar with the secret memorials, attend to essentials and neglect the trifles, model with spirit. They obey their inner hearts. The holistic concept of the unity of Yin and Yang in Chinese primitive philosophy enables them to pursue the complete and thorough representation of things, not only by a visual fixed point but by all the perceptual and rational understanding to express the object and fully express the sentiment obtained from long-term observation of things in artistic modeling.
One of its manifestations lies in the pursuit of perfect modeling form. That is to say, Ansai farmers pay attention to completeness in their paintings (JIN, 2002, p.148). All the represented objects are completely and clearly presented. They will never draw half a person, half an animal, or half a plant when painting melons and fruits, such as gourds, pomegranates and pumpkins. The objects are often cut open to expose the inside seeds. When drawing chickens, magpies, pigs, tigers and other animals, people can see eggs and cubs in their stomachs.
For example, in the work Love Tiger, some little tigers are decorated in the belly of the tiger. In the Monkey Eating Cigarettes, some little monkeys are decorated in the belly of the monkey, etc. Second, it overcomes the restriction of the rule of perspective by not modelling with the idea of Yin and Yang and the five elements, but rather by showing the front, side and back of the depicted objects in an all-around manner rather than adhering to the focus perspective of western tradition or imitating the scattered perspective of literati painting tradition. When painting houses and buildings, they used the concept of "five elements" to shape them (Figure 7), i.e. the east, south, west, north and center centered on me spread out the plane of the buildings, with all roofs facing the same center, and the figures and trees all falling down with their feet facing the center. When painting animals, their four feet all appear in the picture in the form of a "swastika" rotation of the five elements, such as the artistic modeling of the work Grazing. Third, they are not constrained by objective natural logic but are modeled by the concept of transcending time and space (Figure 8), moving time and space at will and expressing all objects (XIANG, 2003, p. 263). They put together flowers and fresh fruits, that exist at different times, birds, animals and houses, that appear in different places together, and the moon, sun, stars and colorful clouds in the same sky. Although it is not in line with natural logic, it is the embodiment of peasant painters' subjective wishes. They decorate everything in the works at will to emphasize endless vitality.
Figure 7 - Yin-Yang concept modeling in the Ansai peasant painting "Grazing"
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 112).
Figure 8 - The conceptual modeling of transcending time and space in the Ansai peasant painting "Farmyard"
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 66).
5 CONCEPTUAL COLORS ROOTED IN CHINESE PRIMITIVE CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY
The color system of Ansai peasant paintings is determined by Five Elements and Eight Diagrams, which is the explicit embodiment of the color of original Chinese culture and original philosophy. It is also the color system of original philosophy based on Yin-Yang and Five Elements and Eight Diagrams. It is not the inherent color view of Chinese classical humanistic paintings with the combination of the inherent colors of things as the standard, nor is it the conditional color view of the west with the change of light as the reference condition. The Chinese traditional five elements of Yin and Yang correspond to the five colors of green, red, white, black and yellow, and their correspondence and relationship with each other have led to the endless color view of Yin-Yang and Five Elements in Ansai peasant paintings.
In Chinese folk, there is a saying of five colors, namely, the three contrasting colors of red, yellow and blue plus black and white. According to Yizhoushu· Xiaokaiwujie, the five elements and the five colors are matched one by one:
If the three forces are clear, the five elements are fixed: […] the five elements are "first, black is water, second, red is fire, third, cyan is wood, fourth, white is gold, fifth, yellow is earth." Each color has the corresponding symbolic meaning of the five elements: "Green also symbolizes the color of life; Red, the color of the sun; Yellow, the color of the sunlight; White, the color of ice; Black, the color of darkness and gloom". (PENG, 2004, p. 39).
In Kaogongji, there is a one-to-one correspondence between five colors and five orientations:
Painting needs five colors in juxtapositions. Blue symbolizes the east, red symbolizes the south, white symbolizes the west, black symbolizes the north, black symbolizes the sky, and yellow symbolizes the land. Blue and white are the two colors in order, red and black are the two colors in order, and black and yellow are the two colors in order. The match between cyan and red is called Wen (pattern), the match between red and white is called Zhang (emblem), the match between white and black is called fu (square patch on official costume embroidered with white and black axes), the match between black and cyan is called fu (an embroidery in square pattern on official gowns), and the five colors are called embroidery. The land is painted in yellow, and its image is painted in a square. The sky is painted with colors according to the changes in the four seasons. Fire is painted with a circle as a symbol, water with a dragon as a symbol, birds, beasts, snakes, and so on. It is called the skill of blending the colored parts of the five colors that symbolize the four seasons to make the colors bright. Every painting, finally with white. White will be used at the end of all paintings. (LIU, 2004, p. 445).
Namely, the five elements of tint are mainly white in the west, red in the south, black in the north and yellow in the center. The four seasons of spring, summer, autumn and winter go round and round, which is the Chinese concept of time. The matching of five colors and five elements is the tint of green spring, red summer, yellow later summer, white autumn and black winter. The five colors and five elements of the totem deities are matched to be the Azure Dragon of the East, White Tiger of the West, Vermilion Bird of the South, Black Tortoise of the North and Yellow in the Middle. The five colors and five elements of god worship are matched to be the green god in the east, white god in the west, red god in the south, black god in the north and yellow god in the middle. When matched with the five elements of gold, wood, water, fire and soil, it becomes the five-element tint with wood as green, gold as white, fire as red, water as black and soil as yellow. The unity of opposites and the development of Yin and Yang and the five elements form a colorful artistic system of Ansai peasant paintings (JIN, 2004, p. 81).
The main painters of Ansai peasant paintings, the rural working women, learned from their mothers to embroider from the age of four or five until their seventies and eighties. They are good at colorful silk and cotton threads based on the concept of five elements of color to show the ever-changing tint that is either warm and prosperous or fresh and elegant, reaching a high degree of contrast, harmony and unity (WANG; MA, 2008, p.78). They formed the unique color view of Ansai peasant paintings with their profound color skills, which lasted for decades of practical training in tint. They all pursue high-purity original colors in the application of color tones, with strong and bright contrast, which enables people to feel warm and passionate emotions, exaggerated and abstract colors, and no emphasis on objective object colors. Ansai farmer painters, with strong subjectivity, understand and use colors according to traditional culture and utilitarian will, and express their love for life and pursuit of life continuity with "survival", "avoiding harm" and "seeking goodness" as starting points.
In Ansai peasant paintings, the traditional Yin-Yang and Five Elements correspond to five colors and are used as conceptual colors, among which red and yellow are the most used, which come from the red sun and land, symbolizing nobility, joy and good luck, and showing the Ansai farmers’ strong desire to pursue a happy life. As the recipe for Ansai peasant paintings, there are sayings like: "the combination of red and yellow is bright", "red and green express happiness, and yellow represents praise," etc. They pursue a luxurious and bright color visual effect and reflect the moral of color. The strong contrast between the bright colors can produce a warm and festive feeling. Warmth and jubilation do not just mean congratulations and love for "life," but also the warm and jubilant atmosphere itself can make people excited and directly experience the high sense of vitality and endless life. Xue Yuqin, an Ansai peasant painter, in her work "CattleHead" (Figure 9), left out other parts of the cattle in the composition and creatively connected three cattle heads in the whole picture, with concise outlines, big and bright eyes. High-purity red and yellow colors were used for flat painting on a large area. Small color blocks were used to distinguish the color blocks of large areas, so as to make a contrast distinction between front and back, distance and so on. Black and white were used for crispening and embellishment to harmonize large-area high-purity and strong contrast colors in the picture, so that the colors are gorgeous but solemn. This technique of ignoring the real image and depicting the exaggerated face and eyes, the application of high-purity native colors, strong and exaggerated colors, full of shock and vitality, are typical representatives of the concept colors of Yin, Yang, and Five Elements in Chinese primitive culture.
Figure 9 - The concentrated embodiment of colors in the concept of Yin-Yang and Five Elements in "Cattle Head" by Xue Yuqin
(YANG; CHEN; XIE, 1999, p. 79).
The Yin and Yang and the concepts of life and progress, without superiors and inferiors, are embodied in the subject matter, shape and colour of Ansai peasant paitings. Yin symbolises the female while Yang symbolizes the male, Yin represents the soil and Yang symbolizes the sky. The idea of Yin and Yang represents the cycle of the four seasons as well as life, reproduction and the alternation of day and night. There will be germination in the spring, creativity in the summer, harvest in the fall and savings in the winter with the union of Yin and Yang. In essence, the Chinese people have sought Yin and Yang oneness throughout history in an effort to promote social peace and concord in daily life. From generation to generation, ancestors have approached and annotated this fundamental truth, piece by piece, up until this point in the restricted life process.
CONCLUSION
In May 2016, President Xi Jinping (2016) pointed out at the Symposium on Work in Philosophy and Social Science that "every major leap forward in human society and every major development of human civilization cannot be separated from the knowledge transformation and ideological forerunner of philosophy and social science." Every great leap in the development history of human culture is preceded by the development of philosophy: the ancient Greek philosophy gave birth to the western civilization; the Chinese Fuxi culture, Eight Diagrams and Yin and Yang philosophy gave birth to the China culture.
Ansai peasant paintings, born in the folk culture life of China, continue a philosophical symbolic modeling method, or a philosophical schema, which directly points to the original system of Chinese philosophy and embodies the ancient Chinese concept of Yin and Yang and incessant life in subject matter, modeling and color. The working masses, engaged in grass-roots production, are the inheritors of this philosophy system, especially the rural laboring women, who are the main creators of folk culture and art in China. What they represent is the universe as a whole, which is neither a visual and intuitive natural simulation nor confined to the author's personal expression of emotion, thus forming the artistic feature that their works are "beyond time and space." They put the simplest philosophical ideas through all aspects of life and even dribs and drabs through artistic creation and, consciously, applied them to the evolution of new life folk customs in various periods, forming one of the most common social philosophies.
OPERE PITTORICHE DEI CONTADINI DI ANSAI: EREDITÀ DELLA CULTURA PRIMITIVA CINESE E DELLA FILOSOFIA PRIMITIVA
Riassunto: La filosofia originale cinese è una sublimazione della coscienza culturale umana di base - la coscienza della vita e della riproduzione - che è l'unificazione del "Concetto di yin e yang" e del "Concetto di ciclo di vita " in cui "lo yin e lo yang si uniscono per creare tutte le cose, e il ciclio dà una vita senza fine. La cultura originale cinese determina la visione filosofica, la visione artistica, il temperamento emotivo, la benessere psicologica e lo spirito nazionale della nazione cinese. Il sistema filosofico cinese, che rappresenta l'unificazione della cosmologia, dell'epistemologia e della metodologia della nazione cinese, è un sistema filosofico completo e maturo che si è formato nella società tardo primitiva molto prima delle Dinastie Xia, Shang e Zhou. La cultura originale cinese, dalla cultura della ceramica dipinta di 7.000 anni fa fino ai giorni nostri, dalla cultura archeologica sotterranea alla cultura di massa terrestre, è un concetto ampio di belle arti, determinato da una visione filosofica dell'arte plastica di osservare gli oggetti e prendere immmagini. La cultura originale e la filosofia originale della Cina primitiva sono ancora conservate in un'eredità storica estremamente ricca e completa nella vita sociale della cultura di massa. Per questo motivo la Cina è l'unico Paese tra le civiltà antiche che non aver subito una frattura culturale.
Parole chiave: Opere pittoriche dei contadini di Ansai. Il concetto di Yin e Yang. Il concetto di vita incessante. Adorazione della riproduzione (fertilità).
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Received: 29/07/2022
Approved: 10/11/2022
COMMENT ON “ANSAI PEASANT PAINTINGS: INHERITANCE OF CHINESE PRIMITIVE CULTURE AND PRIMITIVE PHILOSOPHY”
Commented Article: Chang, Yaqian; Zhou, Liming; LU, Peng; Yasmeen, Samina. Ansai peasant paintings: inheritance of Chinese primitive culture and primitive philosophy. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp journal of philosophy, v. 46, Special Issue, p. 366- 390, 2023.
This robust work is the product of the relentless efforts wich were practiced by Chang et. al (2023). The writers have skillfully highlighted and brought to light all the relevant facts regarding this fascinating topic. Here are some examples of those great and memorable paintings which have made their way into the highest echelon of the world of arts. These paintings are etched in their beholders’ memories. Such are the beauty and charms of these great gems of paintings and crafts. These paintings stir the readers’ imaginations and fertile minds. The Ansai painting of a farmer exhibits a breathtakingly gorgeous design, imaginative creativity, a daring aesthetic and a distinctive method of applying colors for a wonderful result. It is endowed with special creative effects and occasionally mistaken for having “Oriental Picasso” ´s romantic allure. Ansai County is culturally rich in China because it is home to the Three Strange Wonders of Ansai County, which include farmer painting, waist drumming and paper cutting.
However, on the downside, the writers mainly focused on the aesthetics and artistic values of the paintings instead of evaluating their worth in terms of giving an exposition of these paintings about Modern Chinese history and culture. This lack of interest in the Sino history and culture marred the overall impact of this writing. Second, the article does not sufficiently explore the idea of Yin and Yang, one of the pillars of Chinese philosophy. Third, the conceptual themes of these paintings were touched lightly, and no deep-dive analyses were presented. Fourth, the Ansai paintings portrayal of deities and their powers was overly exaggerated, and their relevance to modern times is ill-conceived. Fifth, the writers have excessively quoted various sources to cement their arguments. The bulk of the article was dedicated to these quotes and references, which was a strain on the work. The writers should have focused more on their interpretations of the topic.
Chinese folk art, which has a variety of styles and rich content, is an expression of group ideology because it depicts ethnic group life, folk customs and folk ideas not only artistically. But it also implicitly expresses the idea of the interaction between Yin and Yang, the survival and reproduction of all things, the adoration of life and the reproduction in Chinese primitive philosophy. Rural working women’s Ansai peasant paintings feature a variety of masses with distinct ethnic and regional traits. It most closely resembles the original chaotic thinking style and collective unconscious inheritance and takes its aesthetic form and cultural connotation from the various ethnic groups’ cultures and art. Its philosophical foundations come from the Yin and Yang, continuous life, the unification of man and nature, and the identity of object and self schools of ancient philosophy. The specific aesthetic manifestations, such as modelling ideas and color theory that are generated from them, can be considered as condensed crystallizations of Chinese fundamental culture and philosophy (DUAN, 2002).
The desire for life is the driving force behind human artistic creation, which is centred on the archaic aesthetic psychology and taste that emerged from the ancestors’ veneration, the worship of life and the safeguarding of life. It has persisted from prehistoric periods to modern times. Ansai peasants dare to break the rules of reality, exaggerate and transform it, and bestow the objects with mysterious supernatural power, creating a distinctive artistic language and modeling style. They place their adoration, love and awe of life, nature and universe deities above objective things (HE, 2015).
Ansai women from rural homes painted pictures and made ink lines. The praises of life and a brand-new world, where humans and nature cohabit together, are described, along with singing flying birds, laughing flowers and dancing trees, hardworking people and growing animals, rising dragons and leaping tigers. Peasants devote attention to intentional and emotional expression while expressing genuine and straightforward emotions, using simple artistic style, warm hues and varied forms of expression. They use basic, naive painting techniques and flashy colors to convey what they have seen, heard and thought about in their creation and life. They also use these same colors and methods to show their ambition, pursuit of a better life and love for life. Peasant paintings frequently embody the most ferocious and intense life tension due to their aesthetic consciousness, in contrast to the Chinese literati’s quest for “emptiness,” “charm” and “artistic conception.” It embodies the earliest, hottest and most genuine life consciousness (LI, 2022).
A complete art system, in which the concept of philosophy plays a key role, is formed when the idea of art decides the concept of modelling art, and the concept of philosophy determines the concept of art.
This is a tenet of philosophy that applies to all people. Where individuals originated from was the central question of early philosophy. The phenomenon of human heterosexual communication and the birth of new life led ancestors to the conclusion that “men and women mingle with each other to nurture everything and create everything,” which produced the philosophical concept of Yin and Yang, which is the solution to the origin of life extracted from reproductive worship (NING; RONG, 1990).
The core of original Chinese thought, which runs through the system of Yin and Yang, Eight Trigrams and Five Elements, that represent the historical concept of the human beings’ ancestor, and which also contains the idea of reproductive worship of the mo, is the concept of Yin and Yang. It is also the concept of incessant life, with the connotation “[…] the combination of Yin and Yang and the endless life of all things.” (ZENG, 2019, p. 8).
The Neolithic Age in a primitive culture is where the Yin-Yang Eight Trigrams, the original philosophical system of the cultural foundation of the Chinese country, developed. It is the Chinese people’s magnificent invention. When they saw that every phenomenon had both excellent and opposing sides, ancient ideologists adopted the ideas of “Yin” and “Yang” to explain the two opposed and mutually escalating material forces in nature. “Yin and Yang are both present in Dao.” (2009) (WANG; KONG, p. 259). Therefore, the Grand Terminus, which created the two fundamental Forms, exists in (the system of) the Yi. The four iconic symbols that resulted from these two forms gave rise to the eight Trigrams. (2009) (WANG; KONG, p. 277).
According to the Book of Changes, the alternation of Yin and Yang is considered the fundamental law governing how the universe functions. It is also believed that the Grand Terminus, which is where the primordial universe originated, is split into two parts, Yang and Yin, which are known as two instruments and are symbolized by “one” and “ –” (namely, Yang trigram and Yintrigram). The two forms are divided into four states: Taiyin, Taiyang, Shaolin and Shaoyang. These four states are further divided into eight trigrams: Qian, Kun, Zhen, Xun, Kan, Li, Gen and Dui, which stand for heaven, earth, thunder, wind, fire, water, mountain and river, respectively. At the center of these trigrams are Yin and Yang, specifically the Kun and Qian Trigrams. Observing how things develop and change led to the creation of the Eight Diagrams. Through observation of themselves, the reproduction of various animals and plants nearby, the movement of the heavens, earth, sun and moon, the cycle of the climatic seasons, the long-term observation, the study of various relative concepts, orientations, and the relationship between images and numbers, people in ancient times gradually developed a philosophical system that included all natural sciences.
This is described in vivid detail in the Xicizhuan:
In the past, the planet was ruled by the head of the Xi family. After looking up at the sky, he then rotated his head to face the ground. He saw the suited to the earth, birds, and animals. He used abnormal changes in a person’s physiology and environment to assess various situations and forecast outcomes. He created the eight trigrams to convey the gods’ goodness and devotion to all things. (WANG; KONG, 2009, p. 284).
Lao Tzu also asserted that Tao is special. Yin and Yang can be found in the Tao. All things are created in a harmonious state when Yin and Yang connect. The combination of Yin and Yang creates a new harmonious body since everything is shaded or exposed to the sun (LIU, 2021, p. 227). A generalization of the ancient Chinese philosophical system, the idea that Yin and Yang are divided by chaos, merged to create all things, and that all things are infinite has come to represent the core of Chinese national progress. The fundamental principle that Yin and Yang mutually generate all things in the cosmos, “Dao includes one Yin and one Yang,” is also the fundamental principle of art and aesthetics (ZENG, 2019, p. 11). The idea of the Yin and Yang eight trigrams has always been the intellectual underpinning of folk art models, from prehistoric times to the modern-day Ansai peasant paintings.
The notion of the unity of heaven and man first emerged as a result of our ancestors’ long-standing understanding of the connections between the five elements, Yin and Yang, and human life as they investigated the connections between heaven and man and the changes between ancient and modern times (LIU, 2004, p. 69). Suppose the ancient ancestors’ understanding of how living things reproduced was the primary source of the notion of Yin and Yang. In that case, their classification of the substances worldwide is the primary source of the concept of the five elements. Long-term residents of the North Temperate Zone, our ancestors spent a lot of time on the Loess Plateau of the Central Plains, where they experienced “[…] many easterly winds in spring when vegetation recovers and everything is renewed; southerly winds in summer with sweltering sun and long days; westerly winds in autumn with withered plants and trees, as well as clear skies and crisp air; and northerly winds in winter with short days and cold weather.” (HE, 1975).
Chinese ancient philosophy is a sufficient and self-sustaining philosophical system that was developed in the late primitive society as early as before the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, and the unity of the notion of Yin and Yang and constant life that is sublimated from the fundamental collective psyche of humans – life consciousness and reproduction consciousness. Chinese primitive philosophy is the unity of cosmological ontology, epistemology and methodology of the Chinese philosophical system. The Chinese primitive culture is a plastic art centered on the idea of viewing objects and taking images, which is a broad concept of fine arts that defines the Chinese people´s philosophical view, artistic view, emotional disposition, psychological quality and national spirit.
The Chinese primitive culture dates back 7,000 years and includes painted pottery, underground archaeology and group culture on the ground. The group’s cultural and social life has extraordinarily rich and full historical relics that have preserved the most primitive philosophy and culture of China. It is the only nation with a long history of civilization that has not seen a cultural split because of this. The ethnic groups’ social lives have thoroughly accumulated the ancient Chinese culture and philosophical system, which serves as the intellectual foundation and primary meaning of ethnic group culture. The mother of Chinese national culture and art passed down from a prehistoric society to the present with distinct national and regional features. It is the folk art, which has amassed the rare wisdom of hundreds of millions of laboring people in China. It has a lengthy history and is a part of the Chinese national artistic state. The most extensive cultural connotation, widest public engagement and longest history are this group’s all characteristics.
The rapid modernization of society threatens the ancient customs and folk arts, which are mostly retained in rural China. The unique and original human culture of China would thus no longer benefit from any research advantages. It is crucial to comprehend the Chinese people’s genuine Chinese culture and intellectual underpinnings by utilizing this advantage. Since protection is close at hand and preservation is the long-term objective, studying primitive culture and philosophy has greater significance in contemporary civilization. Philosophical advancements precede every significant shift in human culture: the ancient Greek school of thought gave rise to western civilization; the Chinese Fuxi, Eight Diagrams, and Yin and Yang schools gave rise to Chinese culture. Ansai peasant paintings, which originated in the folk culture of China, carry on a philosophical symbolic modelling technique, or philosophical schema, that directly alludes to the foundational body of Chinese philosophy and expresses the concept of Yin and Yang and perpetual life in their subject matter, modelling and color.
The inheritors of this philosophical system are the working masses involved in grassroots production, particularly the rural laboring women who are the primary producers of folk art and culture in China. They depict the entire cosmos, which is neither limited to the author’s emotional expression nor a visual and intuitive natural stimulation, giving rise to the aesthetic quality that their works are “beyond time and space.” They applied the most fundamental philosophical concepts to every element of life, even in small doses, to creative creation. They consciously used them to developing new folk etiquettes and practices over time, resulting in one of the most prevalent social philosophies.
References
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Received: 27/112022
Approved: 05/12/2022